Global sell off and the EMU

Markets for risky assets — stocks, commodities — are down significantly around the world today. The selling is reportedly being caused by intensifying worries over government debt levels in Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Ireland (the so-called PIIGS), and the possibility of a sovereign debt crisis for one or more of them. The USD is up, continuing its months long rally.

The European Monetary Union is an interesting contrast to the U.S. It shares a common currency, the euro, which is analogous to the USD here. The governing agreements of the EMU require that each member state impose a certain level of fiscal discipline, i.e., government budget constraints. That’s the nominal policy, but imposing discipline on member countries has proven to be elusive. The important difference between the U.S. and the EMU is that our federal government sets both fiscal and (quasi-public) monetary policies at a national level, while in the EMU, monetary policy is set at the highest level, but fiscal policies are pursued by individual countries, and they can vary quite a bit, from German thrift to PIIGS’ profligacy (there also tend to be tighter constraints on state and local budget deficits in the U.S. than in some European countries). The result is that national governments in the EMU do not have the power to create the non-interest bearing debt (the euro) used to service their interest bearing debt. Technically, the U.S. doesn’t either, as the Fed is not a government agency, but it’s fair to say that Congress and the Administration wield far more power over the Federal Reserve than European governments do over the ECB. 

So when highly leveraged sovereigns in Europe run into trouble, like Portugal’s recent failed debt auction, there’s plenty of consternation and conflict among EMU members about the appropriate measures to take. That uncertainty may indeed be causing increased investor pessimism, and raising the probability that one or more of these countries defaults on its debt.

A CNBC commentator also pointed out that credit default swaps, the cause of AIG’s demise, could be playing a role. This market is still largely unregulated, unfortunately. If a CDS were nothing more than a betting contract between gamblers, they wouldn’t be a big deal. But the CDS market is huge. It has gone well beyond its primary purpose of hedging credit risk, instead allowing active and highly levered speculation on credit troubles, and the ‘notional’ value of contracts far exceeds the actual amount of debt outstanding. Many of the counter parties involved in the CDS market are intimately tied to the global payments system, so an implosion affects all of us. It’s for that reason that updated financial regulation is so critical, whether it’s to tax principal trading assets, limit the level of credit default insurance to the actual level of an issuer’s debt, limit or monitor systemic leverage, etc.

That segues into an important consideration regarding the potential economic impact of a sovereign debt crisis. Some analysts and commentators point out that the economies of the countries at risk are a small percentage of global or even European GDP. However, Lehman Brothers was also small relative to world or U.S. GDP. What’s important from a systemic standpoint is the number of financial commitments associated with the sovereign paper that is at risk of defaulting, i.e., the systemic fragility that could be exposed by such an outcome. The global financial system has deleveraged significantly since 2007, but from astronomical levels; a large loss on sovereign paper could still destroy a lot of capital in fairly short order. There’s also contagion risk — if more than one of these sovereigns were to default, the relative size of the problem would be larger.

Interestingly, we’re bullish on all but one of these countries in the longer term, so we’re looking for opportunity amid the crisis.  

IMPORTANT DISCLOSURES: Symmetry Capital Management, LLC is a state registered investment advisor. The foregoing information is for informational, educational, or entertainment purposes only. It does not constitute an offer to buy nor a solicitation to sell any security, or to engage in any investment strategy. Symmetry Capital Management, LLC is an Amazon.com associate, and earns a commission on sales generated through links from our website. At the time of writing, the firm, its principals, and its clients did not own any securities mentioned, or any securities issued by entities mentioned.

Obama Budget & 4Q09 GDP

We were feeling a little smug about Friday morning’s GDP print, given our argument in 2H09 that growth prospects were probably being under estimated. At 5.7%, it wasn’t quite the six handle that we thought we might see, but barring any significant downward revisions, it was closer than most expected, and nominal GDP did indeed have a six handle.

Interestingly, headline government spending added little to the quarter’s numbers, so there will be an interesting debate over how much of a role ‘fiscal demand’ is playing, but we’re cautious about that for a few reasons. First, the slower pace at which private inventories were liquidated was a large contributor to GDP, but sustainable private sector growth and employment are unlikely as long as inventory building remains anemic.  Second, federal spending was down due to a lower defense spend, while non-defense spending was up 8% versus 7% in 3Q09, so it’s hard to argue there was no fiscal component. Third, it ignores the possibility of lag effects between public sector spending or deficits and subsequent private sector activity. And if we’re right that fiscal expenditures are still playing a role, the GDP data could imply a very healthy multiplier, a possibility sketched out in this recent academic paper.

This leads us to the Obama budget released today, which will be a real tooth gnashing, garment rending piece of work to many. But it looks pretty good to us at first glance (see the criteria on page six of this Idle Speculator), far better than recent rhetoric led us to expect. The deficit is forecast to be a record $1.56T in 2010 and to remain above $1T in 2011, and it’s beginning to appear that Obama is “triangulating” on fiscal austerity measures, or at least on the time frame over which deficit reduction will occur (though it’s not clear how PAYGO fits into this).

The President’s budget will be tough for some to swallow, but as we’ve pointed out elsewhere, the belief that government is always and everywhere the problem, or that it cannot contribute to real economic growth, is based on a massive underlying assumption: that the private sector is always and everywhere able to grow. It’s not hard to reduce that position to an absurd one, e.g., if a natural or biological calamity were to severely impact private sector potential, a government with a monopoly over money creation could pick up some or perhaps all of the slack.

Reality is far more complicated of course, but since demographic ratios came to our attention, it seems patently clear that private sector potential can vary wildly over multi decade periods, especially in economies where a steep fall in childhood mortality occurred at some point in history. Japan is the most recent example of a two decade downswing in potential output, and its policymakers mistakenly approached the problem as a cyclical rather than a secular one. The U.S. and other western nations are roughly ten years behind Japan in demographic terms, so there’s still roughly a decade of slow, no, or even negative growth ahead of us, barring an active public sector (note: “active” can include tax cuts). As we wrote last November:

We’re familiar with the major [economic] catechisms; we’re just not sure that the evidence supports any one of them over another. Structural economic conditions can and do change — age structure is just one example of how this can come about — and different conditions may call for different approaches.

There are several economic measures that, when viewed over the last two decades, support our assessment that demographics are playing a powerful role in the performance of the U.S. economy (and by extension, these measures tend to undermine arguments against Republican budget profligacy in the 2000s). For example:

The year over year decline in state and local income tax revenue has never been so precipitous, and it has become far more volatile since demographic ratios first turned negative in the late 1990s;

The trend in real private inventories has also been declining since the late 1990s; and 

Equipment and software investment has been in a similar downtrend since the late 1990s.

Admittedly, we’re just eyeballing graphs here and speculating on whether they correspond well to more robust empirical analyses. But we’re fairly confident in our speculation, and this has led us to accept that we are in a Keynesian moment, or more accurately, two Keynesian decades with a Minskian moment in the middle. In such an environment, where private sector expectations are pessimistic, the optimal response is for the public sector to pick up the slack in consumption, investment, and intermediation, within the constraints set by inflation expectations (granted, inflation is a messier issue in a world where the USD is the global reserve currency, and based on a first cut view of today’s budget, we believe our tradable goods inflation thesis is back in play).

The Obama budget appears to pick up a healthy measure of private sector slack, and should thus be favorable overall for employment, asset prices, and economic output. The inflation issue will be far more slippery: on the one hand, a well designed federal budget gives the Fed more room to tighten, as private sector expectations improve; on the other, fiscal direction is uncertain, especially beyond 2011, and prone to shocks, so central banks will have to be rather nimble (more nimble than they were in 2003-05 and 2008) to avoid taking an overly easy or tight approach to policy.

Obama’s proposed tax increases on high income households will cause some resentment, but it’s hard to see how the income disparity pendulum could keep swinging on its current arc. The administration might also believe that higher tax rates on higher incomes will be supportive of state and municipal debt financing. We’d feel better about it if there were an accompanying reinvention of the corporate tax code, as we believe that would have some positive second and third order effects on lower and middle class incomes; first order effects could be achieved by instituting a payroll tax holiday as Warren Mosler has suggested.

Unfortunately, we place a zero probability on corporate tax reform happening any time soon (the budget calls for increasing taxes on certain sectors of the economy), and a near zero probability on a long payroll tax holiday. Despite that, the President’s budget does brighten the economic outlook a bit for 2H2010 and 2011, and the possiblity of a double dip might have been pushed back to 2012 or 2013 (which clearly calls the semantics of ”double dip” into question).

URLs:

http://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/national/gdp/gdpnewsrelease.htm

http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~yona/research/Multiplier-version12.pdf 

http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/blog/10/02/01/Introducing-the-2011-Budget/

http://symmetrycapital.net/idlespeculation/20100112.pdf

http://symmetrycapital.net/idlespeculation/20091109.pdf

http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/graph/?chart_type=line&s[1][id]=ASLPITAX&s[1][transformation]=pc1

http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/graph/?s[1][id]=CBIC1

http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/graph/?chart_type=line&s[1][id]=NRIPDC96&s[1][transformation]=pc1

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minsky_moment

http://moslereconomics.com/2010/01/28/tea-party-plan-for-dems-cut-to-the-front-with-tax-cuts/

IMPORTANT DISCLOSURES: Symmetry Capital Management, LLC is a state registered investment advisor. The foregoing information is for informational, educational, or entertainment purposes only. It does not constitute an offer to buy nor a solicitation to sell any security, or to engage in any investment strategy. Symmetry Capital Management, LLC is an Amazon.com associate, and earns a commission on sales generated through links from our website. At the time of writing, the firm, its principals, and its clients did not own any securities mentioned, or any securities issued by entities mentioned.

I’ll see your PAYGO and raise you a double dip

A key objective raised by President Obama in his state of the union address was to address the ‘fiscal hole’ of the federal government. His rationale was that “like any cash strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don’t.” he asked Congress to reinstate PAYGO, which reportedly helped the federal government “record surpluses in the 1990s,” and advocated investing in people “without leaving them a mountain of debt.” He closed on this point by saying that it’s just common sense.

Culturally, these ideas resonate with Americans. And for a business or household, budget constraints are a matter of common sense (even though we don’t always adhere to them). But there is no budget constraint on a government that can create money, i.e., non-interest bearing debt, out of thin air. The only meaningful constraint to the level of non-interest bearing debt is inflation, which occurs when a government creates more money than the economy requires, causing its non-interest bearing debt to lose value against most goods and services. Thus, while it may score some political points (thanks to our primary educational system’s lack of a financial and economic curriculum?), it’s absurd for the president to embrace the common sense that households and businesses use in setting budgets. The federal government faces an entirely different kind of budget constraint.

Instead, given the government’s power to create money, common sense would hold that the amount of money supplied to the economy should be equal to the amount of money required by the economy (please note, this simplification is not an attempt to resurrect the policy prescriptions of old school monetarism). Thus, the proper approach to budgets at the federal level is to ask whether there is currently a surfeit or deficit of USDs in our economy. Given the number of private financial commitments that were entered into in the past decade, and dramatic declines in economic activity, it’s difficult to argue that there’s currently a surfeit of dollars. And if recent political rhetoric is any indication, dollars are likely to become scarcer in the years ahead (it would be ironic if, instead of inflation, deflation became the motivating force behind a move away from the USD as global reserve currency).

The president did set forth some positive ideas, such as a zero capital gains tax on small business investment, capital investment incentives for companies of all sizes, and infrastructure investment. Assuming these are financed at least in part by new money creation, they would help to prevent a renewed liquidity crunch. But to the extent that they are “offset” by cuts or freezes elsewhere in the name of closing fiscal gaps and filling in budget holes, or by higher taxes on other activities, the net short term effect on the economy will be nil or worse. And like Japan, we’ll be in for our second lost decade out of two. As we’ve pointed out, leaving future generations without a “mountain of debt” sometimes means leaving them with equivalent (or greater) opportunity costs. We should strive to avoid both of those outcomes. To do so, we have to rethink the cultural common sense that debt is always and everywhere to be avoided.

From an investing standpoint, if vigorous policy actions follow the path being laid out by the rhetoric and “common sense” emanating from so many quarters, then the USD will continue to strengthen, the real economy will stagnate or weaken further, and nominal asset values will fall for all but the highest grade government paper. In that scenario, we would be lucky to tread water and leave only 16% of the country underemployed.

Mr. President, I’ll see your PAYGO and raise you a double dip recession.

RELATED READING (file under confirmation bias): 

We’re well aware that our current view of things puts us shoulder to shoulder with some members of the “loony left”, but the macroeconomics of this stuff are fairly straightforward. Our lonely wing nut sojourn continues, placing us in lockstep with one Mr. Paul Krugman: http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/01/26/obama-liquidates-himself/.

The Fed is seeking an exit strategy from its liquidity programs and low interest rate policy. The impact of that exit can be either muted or amplified by Congressional actions. If Congress becomes hawkish, there is no reason for the Fed to do so. If they both begin tightening, it’s hello 1937: http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601015&sid=aXeUAV7_bz_o

An excellent idea from Warren Mosler — a full payroll tax holiday — that has yet to fall on the radar of federal policymakers: http://moslereconomics.com/2010/01/28/tea-party-plan-for-dems-cut-to-the-front-with-tax-cuts/. Here’s how Mosler describes the cause of poor economic policymaking: “…so-called economic experts have confused themselves and their political masters with contrived explanations for the way the economy works, and their limited vision has limited the range of policy choice. The result has been a monumental economic and social disaster caused by an obvious shortage of aggregate demand. The spending power needed to make mortgage payments, car payments, and do a bit of shopping- all of which would fix the economy and end the financial crisis- just isn’t there.”

Marshall Auerback writes that “Any kind of spending cuts in the middle of the worst recession since the Great Depression is insane.  What we are beginning to see is the return of Herbert Hoover and the ‘liquidationists.’” http://www.newdeal20.org/?p=7731

Ed Harrison posts an email exchange with Auerback, in which the latter wrote: “What the US government is now in danger of repeating is taking its economy down the fast track to a double-dip recession.  With investment still flat, consumers trying to increase their saving ratio and net exports making a negative contribution to growth – the President and his advisors evidently believe the persistently high unemployment is something the private sector has to deal with.”  http://www.creditwritedowns.com/2010/01/what-president-obama-can-do-to-improve-the-economy.html. As we’ve noted elsewhere, the demographic research of folks like John Geanakoplos, Diane Macunovich, and Ajay Kapur implies that for the next decade, the U.S. private sector is not going to behave as the baby boomer decades have conditioned us to expect. Hence the case for a more activist — and just as importantly, ’self-financing’ – public sector. ‘Self financing’ today means the Federal Reserve creating the dollars that enable primary dealer banks to absorb Treasury offerings at auction via direct bids.  For that process to continue, the federal government must continue to issue debt, rather than shoveling dirt on the people and institutions that are still near the bottom of our deep ’fiscal hole’.

Jonathan Zasloff writes (TOH Krugman) that “At some point someone must make an argument for government.” http://www.samefacts.com/2010/01/politics-and-leadership/obamas-self-inflicted-lobotomy-proceeds-apace/  Why are Democrats today so afraid to make that argument? Like the health care debacle, could the lessons learned in the Clinton years be ill suited to today? As for the GOP, our take is that by harping on government in all its forms (besides those forms that help favored firms and industries collect their share of rents from the rest of us, of course), Republicans leave the door open to the development of increasingly socialist policies. In fact, if our take on the state of the private sector in the coming decade is accurate, they will practically mandate it.

State unemployment insurance tracker at Pro Publica (TOH Credit Writedowns) shows how critical federal government support currently is for many states: http://projects.propublica.org/unemployment/

George Soros thinks that premature budget tightening could be bearish for gold prices: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/financetopics/davos/7085504/Davos-2010-George-Soros-warns-gold-is-now-the-ultimate-bubble.html. Reminiscent of Jon Nadler’s argument last fall against gold: http://symmetrycapital.net/index.php/blog/2009/11/a-gold-bears-comments/

Finally, in what might be a mirror image of our loney wing nut position, Bill Gross seems to be exhibiting a profound case of anti-Keynesianism: http://www.pimco.com/LeftNav/Featured+Market+Commentary/IO/2010/February+2010+Gross+Ring+of+Fire.htm

Bookstaber: ‘Controlled Burn’

Rick Bookstaber put forth an interesting argument about easing debt burdens on the public and private sectors through “controlled burn” inflation. If creditors aren’t willing to take large enough haircuts, that’s pretty much what you have to do to get aggregate credit burdens to a more manageable or desirable level.

There are a lot of misperceptions around this issue. FDR allegedly devalued the dollar c. 1934 by repegging it to gold at $35, instead of the $20 that prevailed before WWI. But if you look at the historical data, the USD was powerfully deflationary in the years leading up that action. And at best, the repegging only stemmed the rate of deflation. It did not create any inflation at all. In fact, the more closely we look at the data, the more closely aligned we become with folks who argue that the New Deal didn’t go far enough.  Paul Krugman’s warning in 2008 is looking fairly prescient:

…Barack Obama should learn from F.D.R.’s failures as well as from his achievements: the truth is that the New Deal wasn’t as successful in the short run as it was in the long run. And the reason for F.D.R.’s limited short-run success, which almost undid his whole program, was the fact that his economic policies were too cautious.

[I would add that other FDR actions were too bullheaded and hasty, errors that Obama also risks repeating.]

During the recent crisis and recession, plenty of pundits argued that USD devaluation would be the order of the day. We saw some risk of that, but not as much as those who pointed repeatedly to the Federal Reserve’s unprecedented balance sheet expansion of 2008-2009, or the federal government’s enlarged deficits. That’s because those factors are meaningless if the private sector is not taken into account (i.e., the effects of monetary policy and public and private sector borrowing are not independent). If there’s intensive deleveraging and a rising desire for saving in the private sector, then expansive actions by the central bank and federal government are merely going to absorb some slack. Ony if they absorb more slack than exists will there be any risk of inflation.

Unfortunately, of late, the messages coming out of almost all political quarters is that the slack in the real economy is going to increase — and that means higher deflationary risk, and conversely to Bookstaber’s argument, rising real credit burdens. That, in turn, will lead to credit after shocks and rising unemployment. Granted, to the extent that people’s nominal income stays the same, real incomes rise in a deflationary environment, so this would be good news for pensioners, savers, and highly valued employees. But we shouldn’t overlook the real opportunity costs that deflation implies.

We see a threat of increasing slack because there’s a rising chorus of fiscal hawkishness all around us. Today, Rep. Chris Van Hollen, chairman of the Democratic caucus, told a CNBC interviewer that the government ”need[s] to get every penny back” from TARP. Yesterday, Republican Rep. Jeb Hensarling said that the election of Scott Brown was a sign that voters cared about debt and deficits (to be fair, he did mention lowering capital gains and payroll taxes, but debt and deficits seemed to be on the top of his mind). Today, a CNBC commentator referred to “your [taxpayers'] money” leading into a report on pending transportation spending. Policymakers are treading the line between semi-sensibility and madness.

First, Congress and the Administration should look forward. That requires changing the regulatory framework in a way that will prevent excessive systemic fragility in the future, and that’s the direction that Obama laid out in his remarks yesterday, with Paul Volcker, who imposed a massive deflationary contraction as Fed chairman in the early 1980s,  smiling in the background. But all else equal, this will lower overall credit capacity, and demanding full repayment of TARP will will make it worse. In order to avoid a double dip, the federal government has to act as the borrower of last resort, i.e., run larger deficits. To us, that’s the real problem with the path being laid out by Obama and Democratic leaders — taking with one hand, and not giving with the other, means economic contraction, all else equal.

Second, debt and deficit hawkishness could not be more untimely. We should pay serious attention to where and how public expenditures are directed, but we need to be honest about the need for significant deficit financed expenditures. Looking at underlying demographic structure, we probably shouldn’t concern ourselves with lowering the federal debt until the end of this coming decade.

Finally, the dollar is ”our money” in the sense that we use it to pay our tax liabilities to a government that has monopoly power to create it. Better yet, it creates it out of thin air (yes, if that power is abused or misused, it can lead to inflation, even hyperinflation, but the risk of such an outcome right now is very, very low). If fiscal policy does indeed swing in a more hawkish direction, then there’s going to be a surfeit of monetary units. And the more we taxpayers or our elected representatives grab for ”our money”, the worse it’s going to get. This ‘chartalist’ view is also somewhat complicated by the fact that our money creation process is controlled by the quasi-public Federal Reserve system. That means that the federal government can only issue interest bearing debt to finance its deficits. It sells those securities to primary dealer banks at auction. And the primary dealers rely on the Federal Reserve system to create the monetary units (the non-interest bearing debt of the U.S. government) that are used to purchase its interest bearing debt.

Keeping those last three sentences in mind, consider that:

• The President intends to tighten the tax and regulatory collars on the banks
• Fed Chairman Bernanke’s confirmation by the Senate is now in serious doubt
• Government spending and investment are especially critical in this recession (see here and here)
• Policymakers are clearly signalling that they’re going to get serious about “fiscal responsibility” 

The clear implication is that USDs are more likely to increase in value. So while Rick Bookstaber is right about the ability of inflation to lower existing debt burdens, it looks to us like we’re headed in the opposite direction, at least for now. The consequences will be discouraging to just about everybody.

URLs:

http://rick.bookstaber.com/2010/01/controlled-burn-inflation.html

http://www.aei.org/article/26390

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/10/opinion/10krugman.html

http://research.stlouisfed.com/recession/gdpdata.html

http://research.stlouisfed.com/recession/indicators.html

A Strong Dollar Call

President Obama, continuing his recent streak of verbal fiscal hawkishness (our view is admittedly contrarian) signed a memorandum today regarding tax delinquencies among government contractors. To the extent that federal contracts are awared to tax evaders and tax cheats due to poor information sharing or availability, this is a good initiative, and it’s based on analyses from the GAO like this one.

It was the President’s remarks that were most telling, especially his argument that the federal government needs to align itself with the values and norms that tax paying households live by (of course, this completely ignores the fact that only the federal government can create the money required to fulfill tax, debt, and other financial obligations, not just of the public sector, but of the private sector as well). The underlying message of recent remarks by the President is that tightening via “fiscal discipline” is very likely in the months and years ahead; Obama is clearly signalling that he has staked out a very center-right position among Democrats, similar to the Blue Dogs and Democratic Leadership Council, as summed up in this recent piece by Harold Ford, Jr:

The ability of the private sector to produce new jobs — our economic future — depends on how quickly we can get back on the path to fiscal responsibility. This means that any health-care reform plan should be paid for — a promise that President Obama has made, and one that his predecessor should have made.

Ford’s assertions are based on the rather shaky assumption that they hold under all economic conditions. But as we’ve noted recently, there are only some environments where this holds true, while there are other environments where it does not. In the former, fiscal conservatism may be appropriate due to “crowding out” and other concerns. In the latter, the private sector’s capacity to produce jobs actually depends on public sector demand, investment, and intermediation, i.e., deficits. 

Most people, Ford included, accept this idea in the short run, e.g., during a financial crisis or a sharp economic downturn. But what we’re arguing, essentially, is that pessimistic expectations are sometimes rational, and that the factors driving them can theoretically remain in force over fairly long cycles of ten, twenty, or thirty years, even longer.  In the situation at hand, when we look at demographic shifts in the U.S. and residual damage from the financial crisis, we think the decade ahead will be of the latter variety in both the U.S. and mature European economies.  So the message of Ford, his fellow Blue Dogs, the DLC, and President Obama (especially of late) might be a suboptimal direction for policy, however well it might have worked in the 1980s and 1990s. [1/20/2010 UPDATE - well written piece here on how public thinking about policy is heavily informed by experiences since the 1980s, which might be akin to driving by the rear view mirror]

As a result, we now see several forces at work that lead us to expect a strengthening USD, all else equal. First, the prevailing view among Democrats appears to be that voters will favor fiscal hawks in midterm elections, and they will respond accordingly. Second, we expect upside volatility in the real economy in 2010 (due in no small part to public sector demand), which will relax pressures for additional fiscal stimulus. Third, invoking the ideas of the neo-Chartalists, we’d argue that when the federal government places a high value on “fiscal responsibility” or “fiscal conservatism”, it implies that monetary units are going to become more scarce, and thus more valuable. In other words, if the President’s recent signalling is sincere, the USD is likely to appreciate (as will Treasuries, despite their compressed yields), and commodities and other carry trade and risky assets are likely to suffer (today’s market movements seem to support this argument).

While most pundits are attributing today’s market developments to the Republican capture of Kennedy’s senate seat yesterday, and/or to policy tightening in China, which are almost certainly factors, we would argue that far too many are overlooking the impact that President Obama’s current policy tenor is having on the USD. He’s essentially promising that the “tokens” required to settle economic transactions and engage in productive activity are going to become scarcer.

This implies some important changes in who the marginal actors are in the political economy. After the 2008 election, we asserted that the Blue Dogs would be the marginal player in setting the course of economic policy. The President’s upcoming budget will give us a clearer idea of whether their fiscal conservatism, as Obama’s current rhetoric implies, has indeed become dominant. If it has, then we think the Fed becomes the marginal factor in policy direction and economic outcomes. How soon and how sharply they tighten will determine the risk of a 1937 or Japan style recession, and it will also have critical implications for the performance of emerging market equities and other risky assets in the short to intermediate term.

URLs:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/memorandum-heads-executive-departments-and-agencies-1

http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d07742t.pdf

http://www.dlc.org/ndol_ci.cfm?contentid=255070&kaid=85&subid=65

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chartalism

http://www.cfeps.org/pubs/wp-pdf/WP10-Wray.pdf

Idle Speculator: Payrolls, Policies, Politics

Friday morning’s report on the employment situation had a little bit for everyone, bulls and bears alike. November revisions saw the first positive month for payroll growth since the current recession began, and the “less bad” trend remains firmly intact. However, the number of discouraged workers jumped dramatically, and payroll growth is still far too low to significantly bring the unemployment rate to a persistently lower level. While unemployment continues to pose a risk to Democrats in 2010, neither party is making a compelling offer to the electorate at the moment, and both of them are too focused on scapegoating the other. While we expect some positive economic surprises in 2010, the U.S. electorate and economy will remain stuck between an elephant and a donkey for some time.

Continue reading: http://symmetrycapital.net/idlespeculation/20100112.pdf

Farmer: Farewell to the Natural Rate

An interesting theory and a cool video graphic can be found here, where UCLA economist Roger Farmer examines the relationship between inflation, unemployment, and job vacancies, adding yet another contribution to the Keynesian renaissance:

In two forthcoming books, Expectations Employment and Prices (2010a) and How the Economy Works (2010b), I provide a theory that explains these data. I argue that there is no natural rate of unemployment and that the economy can come to rest in a stationary equilibrium at any point on the Beveridge curve. Which equilibrium persists, is decided by the confidence of households and firms that pins down asset values as reflected in housing wealth and the value of the stock market.

When households feel wealthy, that belief is self-fulfilling. Consumers spend a lot, firms hire workers, and the economy comes to rest at a point on the Beveridge curve with low unemployment and high vacancies. When the values of houses, factories, and machines fall, households spend less, firms lay off workers, and the economy comes to rest at a point on the Beveridge curve with high unemployment and low vacancies. Both situations – and anything in between – are zero-profit equilibria. High inflation makes the trade-off between unemployment and vacancies less favourable, and in the steady state, any inflation rate is consistent with any unemployment rate.

Most policymakers subscribe to the theory of the existence of a natural rate of unemployment. The data suggest that this theory is unconfirmed at best. To make the theory consistent with data, one must posit that the natural rate changes between recessions in unpredictable ways. This version of natural rate theory is difficult or impossible to refute. It is religion, not science.

For more than fifty years policy makers have been trying to hit two targets, unemployment and inflation, with one instrument, the interest rate. Recently, central bankers have discovered a second instrument – quantitative easing. I believe that quantitative easing works by influencing the value of real assets as reflected in housing wealth and the stock market and that it was successfully deployed by central banks in 2009 to maintain aggregate demand. In my two forthcoming books, I argue that quantitative easing should permanently enter the lexicon of central banking as a second instrument of monetary policy and that it will prove to be a more effective and flexible tool than fiscal policy for restoring and maintaining full employment.

A competing idea is to attack this from the fiscal side rather than the monetary side, by making the federal government the ‘employer of last resort’. This is an interesting idea for a few reasons. First, it’s been proposed by economists on both the ‘left’ (e.g., L. Randall Wray) and the ‘right’ (e.g., Edmund Phelps). Second, it would put at least some intermediary stages between USD creation and the USD carry trade. And third, while either lever should work from a Wicksellian point of view, as long as the USD is the primary global reserve currency, quantitative easing may be riskier to the global financial system (not to mention the USD’s reserve currency status) than a purely domestic employment program would be.

IMPORTANT DISCLOSURE: Symmetry Capital Management, LLC is a member of the Amazon Associates program, and earns a revenue sharing fee of approximately 4% on qualified purchases made by clicking through from our website.

URLs:

http://www.voxeu.org/index.php?q=node/4452

http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0195397908?ie=UTF8&tag=symmetrycapit-20&linkCode=as2&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=0195397908

http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0195397916?ie=UTF8&tag=symmetrycapit-20&linkCode=as2&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=0195397916

http://ideas.repec.org/p/wpa/wuwpma/9802006.html

http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0674094964?ie=UTF8&tag=symmetrycapit-20&linkCode=as2&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=0674094964

Auerback: Deficit Hawking

Good piece from Marshall Auerback on the risk of premature public sector tightening, as manifest in a proposed ‘deficit commission’.

…President Obama has voiced support for such a plan, as have 35 Democratic and Republican senators, who have signed on to legislation that would create a bipartisan commission with broad power to force painful spending cuts and tax increases through Congress….Even before its official inception, the proposed commission is starting with remarkably partisan assumptions about debt and entitlement programs. What is so inherently “unsustainable” about our current levels of government debt? In the early Victorian period, for example, the British government debt to GDP ratio was nearly 200 per cent and almost reached that level again in the early 1920s.  The historian Lord Macaulay noted that at every stage of debt increase, “it was seriously asserted by wise men that bankruptcy and ruin were at hand; yet still the debt kept on growing, and still bankruptcy and ruin were as remote as ever.”

The ideas which underlie this new commission also display fundamental ignorance about double-entry bookkeeping principles which have been in existence for over 7 centuries.

In truth, today’s deficit hawks are nothing more than zealots — poised again to preach their nonsensical theology that government deficits are dangerous and need to be cut, without honestly explaining the full consequences of their recommendations. If households attempt to net save by spending less than they are earning, and businesses attempt to net save (reinvesting less than their retained earnings), then private sector incomes and real output will decline absent an increase in government spending. The danger of premature fiscal tightening was illustrated in the US in 1936-37, when the ending of a war veterans’ bonus and the introduction of Social Security taxes helped push the US back into recession when recovery from the Great Depression was far from complete.

I’m becoming a rather lonely wingnut, but we strongly suspect that Auerback and his ilk are right, and that the spending phobes and deficit hawks are wrong. If so, and if the Administration and Congress tighten prematurely, with or without the Fed, then the 1937 and 1990s Japan scenarios remain firmly in play. Time will tell.

URLs:

http://www.newdeal20.org/?p=7241

http://symmetrycapital.net/idlespeculation/2007110701.pdf

Rubin to the Rescue?

In Newsweek, former Goldman Sachs CEO, Clinton Treasury Secretary, and Citigroup bigwig Robert Rubin offers his analysis of the Great Recession and proposed nostrums for preventing another:

Given my views as to the causes of the crisis, I would recommend the following:

• There should be greatly increased capital and margin requirements for derivatives and other instruments of financial engineering to create a greater cushion when trouble develops and to reduce risk exposure. I developed this view during my many years of working with derivatives before entering government, as described in my 2003 book, In an Uncertain World.
• Standard derivative contracts should trade on an exchange to increase transparency. Transactions that are custom designed would not be exchange traded but would be subject to the same capital and margin requirements as listed transactions. Disclosure requirements could be considered for customized transactions, to provide private counterparties and regulators with the transparency to understand the risks.
• There should be two sets of more stringent leverage limitations for systemically significant institutions, one defined by risk-based models and the second by much simpler measures, since mathematical models can’t capture the full range of real-world possibilities.
• There should be significant constraints on off-balance-sheet financing; for example, institutions must retain ownership of a portion of off-balance-sheet assets.
• We need a change in accounting systems to avoid the artificial effects of mark-to-market accounting for illiquid assets on balance sheets and on markets. There are other accounting approaches that would better reflect long-run values for these assets.
• We should also provide effective mechanisms for dealing with systemically important nonbank financial institutions—including bank holding companies—that get into trouble, to mitigate “too big to fail” concerns, but practical ways to do this need to be developed.
• There should be greatly increased protections, both to safeguard consumers and to reduce systemic risk. The elements should include readily understandable disclosure, suitability requirements, prohibition of practices or instruments inherently susceptible to abuse, and, if some practical way can be found, personalized advice for the most vulnerable consumers.

Fair enough, mostly no brainers, but is Rubin being disingenuous? As we’ve previously written, there seem to be growing threats to to the man’s political capital, particularly within the Democratic party. And judging by this piece from Marshall Auerback, those threats still exist, and have intensified since 2006:

As one of the people whose policies threw the global economy off the rails, Rubin may be uniquely qualified to provide solutions as to how to get the economy back on track. But that would presuppose that the man actually acknowledged mistakes (as some of his other Goldman Sachs/Clinton Administration colleagues, such as Gary Gensler, have done) and displayed at least a marginal understanding of where he went wrong.

No such luck. We get the usual self-serving “nobody could have possibly predicted a crisis of this magnitude” right at the start…

Auerback cites a damning interview with the former head of the CFTC, Brooksley Born (a position now held by the aforementioned Gary Gensler):

…as analysts sort out the origins of what has become the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression, Born has emerged as a sort of modern-day Cassandra. Some people believe the debacle could have been averted or muted had Greenspan and others followed her advice.As chairperson of the CFTC, Born advocated reining in the huge and growing market for financial derivatives.

According to Auerback:

Rubin now suggests that Born’s problem was one of style, rather than substance: she, being “too confrontational”, risked aborting any politically feasible reform of OTC derivatives. That’s certainly an interesting reinterpretation of Rubin’s actual role as Treasury Secretary, during which he laid the groundwork for today’s crisis through an aggressive championing of financial deregulation. It’s hard to think of one instance where the former Goldman Sachs CEO actually came down hard on his former Wall Street colleagues. Had he at least acknowledged some remorse or recognition of error, he would be more appropriately suited for an advisory role on how to fix the global economy, much as a reformed criminal often has useful insights on penal reform.No such luck here. If being one of the worst Treasury Secretaries ever wasn’t enough, Rubin left another unfortunate legacy at Citigroup, where he was a senior advisor after he quit the Treasury. He left Citi just before its near collapse amidst criticism of his performance. A distinguishing moment of his tenure was when Rubin got hold of Peter Fisher in the US Treasury Department to try to put pressure on the bond-rating agencies to avoid downgrading Enron’ debt which was a debtor of Citigroup…

Letting him publicly expound on getting the global economy back on track is akin to providing Kim Il Jong-il a public platform on human rights. Unlike Greenspan, who at least admitted mistakes, Rubin expects to be taken seriously as a policy maker despite acknowledging zero responsibility for the debacle that threw millions of Americans into unemployment. People around the world have lost their jobs, savings, and more largely thanks to the policies championed by this misguided deficit warrior.

Ouch.

We’ll pile on by reminding people that as Treasury Secretary, Rubin presided over implementation of the “strong dollar” policy designed by his predecessor, Lloyd Bentsen, which had damaging effects on many developing nations’ economies. He’s also featured prominently in a recent list at Motley Fool of “The 10 Dumbest Banker Quotes of All Time”. And we agree with Auerback that a sincere mea culpa for past errors, whether at Treasury or Citigroup, would buy the man some badly needed goodwill. We think he should also expand his bullet points to include the following: 

• Let’s not repeat the mistake of believing that experts always know best.
• Let’s agree that optimal outcomes often require more than just unbridled private actors.
• Let’s resolve not to get caught up in any more cults of personality, whether adorer or adoree.

Update 01/07/2010 (via Mark Thoma) – Larry Summers, who is currently President Obama’s National Economic Council chief, and was Robert Rubin’s protege and eventual successor at the Clinton Treasury, also finds his political capital under attack from both the left and the right.   

IMPORTANT DISCLOSURE: Symmetry Capital Management, LLC is a member of the Amazon Associates program, and earns a revenue sharing fee of approximately 4% on qualified purchases made by clicking through from our website.

URLs:

http://www.newsweek.com/id/225623/page/2

http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0375757309?ie=UTF8&tag=symmetrycapit-20&linkCode=as2&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=0375757309

http://www.newdeal20.org/?p=7270

http://www.stanfordalumni.org/news/magazine/2009/marapr/features/born.html

http://www.fool.com/investing/general/2009/11/25/the-10-dumbest-banker-quotes-of-all-time.aspx

http://www.economicprincipals.com/issues/2010.01.03/880.html

http://capitalgainsandgames.com/blog/bruce-bartlett/1373/summers-out

More confusion on federal deficits

BNET’s Steve Tobak, in a series of retrospectives, penned a critique of federal spending in 2009. While he’s spot on regarding the role of leverage in creating systemic fragility, and about the importance of agency risks, potential and realized, he displays the same kind of confusion about federal deficits and debt levels that threatens to end a still short-in-the-tooth recovery:

I would hope we learned from the subprime mortgage crisis that got us into this mess that too much leverage is a bad thing. That’s sort of a no-brainer, isn’t it? I mean, giving people mortgages they can’t afford with no money down is bad, right? Banks betting the farm on mortgage-backed securities and credit-default swaps … also bad.

And yet, our national response to this crisis has essentially been to leverage the entire country by ratcheting up the national debt to record levels. What message does that send to each and every American business and family with a budget to manage?

When federal deficits and central bank balance sheet expand in response to a financial crisis and deep economic recession, this does not necessarily increase the overall debt in the domestic economy.  Rather, it means that the public sector, because it has the greatest capacity to bear risk, takes on some of the burden of existing private sector debt. To do otherwise would mean a sharper and deeper recession, i.e., a depression. While “liquidation” has its benefits, one of the tradeoffs is a greater level of defaults and even higher unemployment (i.e., even lower national income), at least over the short to intermediate term. And like it or not, our political system, which does a pretty good job of discounting the desires of the entire electorate, decided long ago that unbridled liquidation was not the optimal path for economic policy. Had the federal government and the federal reserve kept the purse strings tight, given the global nature of the recession and – as Tobak pointed out – the high systemic leverage and fragility that preceded it, the outcome would almost surely have been much, much worse.

Tobak also makes the mistake of comparing private sector budgets to the federal budget. There are some critically important distinctions between them, the primary one being that the federal government creates the money needed to pay its obligations out of thin air – which is a critical part of its risk bearing capacity.

Macro errors aside, in another article Tobak offers a great strategic approach for dealing with personal nemeses in the workplace, which we highly recommend.

URLs:

http://blogs.bnet.com/ceo/?p=3499&tag=nl.e713

http://www.j-bradford-delong.net/pdf_files/Liquidation_Cycles.pdf

http://blogs.bnet.com/ceo/?p=3493&tag=nl.e713