Posts tagged: Climate Change

Carbon, Risk, & Uncertainty

Interesting guest blog at HBR by Bob Lurie on the risks and uncertainties posed by carbon taxation, and their importance to all businesses and business strategy:

While the US Government is working on the fine print of a new carbon regulatory system, one thing is clear: we are all going to face a new tax. It’s important that business leaders avoid the mistake of thinking this will be a new burden assessed on just a few, like the chemical industry and power utilities. Carbon is ubiquitous — part of every industry, and indeed, every human activity — from pharmaceuticals to farming to family field trips. This tax is inescapable, yet where and how hard it will hit is very hard to predict.

…[It is] essential that you view this new carbon economy not as a set of regulations you need to follow, but as an opportunity to separate yourself from those who don’t understand the implications of the new rules as well as you do.

This is about competitiveness, not compliance. Understanding the implications is a strategic imperative. And because the changes are going to be big, the time is now to develop your strategic intent and prepare for a new operational playbook.

…Let’s agree that the rationale for reducing carbon is critically important. But let’s also acknowledge the effects on business will produce outcomes that feel arbitrary and unfair.

There are big changes ahead. It will take a while for the new carbon rules to go into effect, and for businesses as well as regulators to figure out their full implications. But the impacts are large enough so that you should use this grace period to assess how the carbon tax will influence your strategy. If you take too long to move, you may get buried.

URLs:

http://blogs.hbr.org/leadinggreen/2009/07/carbon-taxes-unpredictable-impact.html

The Curiously Gloomy Narrative Continues: Obama’s ‘Lack of Leverage’ over China

The Philadelphia Inquirer has an interesting front page article on the various issues negotiated between China’s President Hu and our President Obama during the latter’s recent visit to China. The article’s title proclaimed that “Obama finds he holds little leverage in China”, noting:

President Obama today wraps up a three-day visit to China that has left him keenly aware of the limits of his administration’s leverage over this economic powerhouse on issues from currency-exchange rates to human rights.

That characterization sounds a bit too pessimistic to us, and it’s yet another example of the curiously gloomy narrative that has developed in the U.S. media around our relationship with China. We can assess the article’s assertion by comparing the issues that each President  brought to the table.

China would like the U.S. to: 

  • Tighten Federal Reserve policy in order to support the value of China’s U.S. dollar and debt holdings, and lower inflation risks in China;
  • Avoid raising barriers to trade between the two countries;
  • And avoid seeking stringent curbs on CO2 emissions from developing economies at the upcoming Copenhagen summit.

Meanwhile, Jon Huntsman, the U.S. Ambassador to China, was quoted as saying that the U.S. was focused on “key global issues”. President Obama requested that China:

  • Allow its currency, the renminbi (RMB), to strengthen against the USD, and moving closer to a floating exchange rate regime;
  • Expand human rights protections and limit state censorship;
  • Commit to shouldering its share of the burden in combatting climate change;
  • And help “contain the nuclear ambitions of North Korea and Iran.”

Look at those two lists and ask yourself which country’s well-being was most on the line. Hu’s requests were aimed at preventing major economic burdens from being imposed on China by entities outside of China.  But other than the impacts that a stronger RMB could have on U.S. exporters, Obama’s requests were aimed at the distinctly non-U.S. issues of climate change, nuclear proliferation, and China’s dealings with its own population!

For several years now, the media’s prevailing U.S.-China narrative has hung on the fact that China is a major holder of U.S. debt, and that this is somehow “unsustainable”. While the last decade’s rate of accumulation may be unsustainable, the current situation is more benign than many assume. And even if the situation were dangerous, China’s position is just as precarious as ours. That’s especially true when you compare productivity and per capita income levels in the two countries (military strength is also a factor), as well as secular and political shifts in the U.S. economy.

The story also tried to make something out of the fact that neither President Hu nor students attending Obama’s Shanghai townhall meeting showed much emotion. If that were a cultural anomaly in China, we might make something of it. It’s not, so we don’t.

All in all, there seems to be little basis for the claim that President Hu had the stronger hand.

URLs:

http://www.philly.com/inquirer/home_top_stories/20091118_Obama_finds_he_holds_little_leverage_in_China.html

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20091118/ap_on_bi_ge/climate

http://symmetrycapital.net/index.php/blog/2008/12/

Policy Risks of Cap and Trade

By way of Cumberland Advisors, we came across this paper on the risks of a cap and trade approach to regulating carbon emissions by LSU economist Joseph Mason. We’ve written about this previously, arguing that a cap and trade system is less efficient and more prone to corruption that a direct carbon tax. As Mason puts it:

…there is nothing wrong with financial firms profiting from making markets for stocks, bonds, and other valuable commodities. However, when a market is created and operated according to government fiat, it is all but certain that vested interests, financial firms that operate and make markets in this case, will lobby for socially inefficient provisions that increase their profits to the detriment of society as a whole… 

As far as cap and trade proposals are concerned, both Wall Street investment firms and environmentalists have similar goals — to restrict the number of carbon permits such that marginal cost to society of pollution abatement exceeds its social benefit…financial firms that make markets for tradable pollution permits will be able to make higher commissions the scarcer the permits are. An alliance between environmentalists and Wall Street presents a particularly intractable problem as far as public choice theory is concerned.

This argument comes from an econ professor, and apparently there are at least two financial services firms (ours and, I assume, Cumberland) that agree with it. This highlights a glaring logical inconsistency among some proponents of cap and trade: many of the same interest groups, pundits, and policymakers who rail against the failures of markets in the recent financial crisis endorse cap and trade markets wholeheartedly! That can probably be best understood by politicians’ reluctance to utter the word “tax”, and by following the money. Some privileged few are going to become quite wealthy administering a cap and trade system for the rest of us. Ah well, perhaps it will mean a few more corporate benefactors for public broadcasting…

URLs:

http://www.cumber.com/special_reports_archive.aspx

http://www.cumber.com/content/Special/mason100109.pdf

FP: 7 Myths About Alternative Energy

An interesting, sober assessment of alternative energy is available on Foreign Policy’s website: “Seven Myths About Alternative Energy“.

URLs:

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/08/12/seven_myths_about_alternative_energy?print=yes&hidecomments=yes&page=full

An Obama Reset?

There’s a thoughtful op-ed in the WSJ today by Ted Van Dyk, a veteran Democrat and author who worked in the LBJ administration. In it, he argues that President Obama needs to “reset” his presidency by scaling back his policy ambitions and exerting more influence over the legislative process, arguing that by delegating control to Congressional leaders and committee chairs, he has come up short on his campaign promise to engage in genuine bipartisanship (we’ve emphasized our favorite passages in bold).

The first warning signals for me came with your acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention. In it, you stressed domestic initiatives that clearly were nonstarters in the already shrinking economy.

Van Dyk takes a notable swipe at at least one senior Obama staffer’s cynical (or callously opportunistic) candor:

Many of the missteps that have followed flowed, in part, from your reliance on these Clinton holdovers. Your chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, defined your early strategy by stating that the financial and economic crises presented an “opportunity” to jam through unrelated legislation. To many of us, the remark was cynical and wrong-headed.

The crises did not represent an opportunity. They presented an obligation to do one thing: Return our financial system and our economy to good health.

He then contrasts the manner in which the Johnson and Obama administrations have pursued health care and energy initiatives:

[A]t every stage [in the Johnson administration], congressional leaders of both political parties and financial, business, labor and other private-sector leaders were consulted. Johnson wanted to assure that his legislation was substantively sound and could get consensus support in the Congress and the country.

Your strategy, by contrast, has been to advocate forcefully for health-care and energy reform but to leave the details to Democratic congressional committee chairs. You did the same thing with your initial $787 billion stimulus package. Now, you’re stuck with a plan that provides little stimulus until 2010. A president should never cede control of his main agenda to others.

This tactic has already had negative consequences. Frightened by the prospective costs of your health-care and energy plans — not to mention the bailouts of the financial and auto industries — independent voters who supported you in 2008 are falling away. FDR and LBJ, only two years after their 1932 and 1964 victories, saw their parties lose congressional seats even though their personal popularity remained stable. The party out of power traditionally gains seats in off-year elections, and 2010 is unlikely to be an exception.

This might indeed be a factor behind the decline in Obama’s ratings over the last few months. However, we think it’s unlikely that the GOP will gain seats in 2010, based on the last time we checked the data (when only Sen. Dodd’s seat appeared to be at risk), some recent high profile implosions in the GOP, and an expanding vacuum of formidable GOP candiates for 2010 and 2012.

You made promises about jobs that would be “created and saved” by the stimulus package. Those promises have not held up. You continue to engage in hyperbole by claiming that your health-care and energy plans will save tax dollars. Congressional Budget Office analysis indicates otherwise.

Amen. We’ve been complaining about the double and triple speak since the 2006 Congressional elections. The first time we hear a politician talk in NET terms about some program they advocate — whether jobs, revenues, or outlays — we’ll announce it, loudly.

It’s time to re-examine these initiatives. Could your health plan be scaled back to catastrophic coverage for all — badly needed by most families, but quite affordable if deductibles are set at the right levels? Should the Rube Goldbergian cap-and-trade proposals be replaced with a simple carbon tax, with proceeds to be allocated to alternative-fuels development?

No wonder we like Van Dyk’s op-ed. We’ve advocated for both of these more centrist alternatives over the ‘expensive messes’ he says are now in the works:

The evolving health and cap-and-trade bills are loaded with costly provisions designed to gain support from congressional leaders and special-interest constituencies. In short, they have become an expensive mess. This legislation will not clear Congress by the August recess, as you have requested, and could be stalled for the remainder of 2009. Settle for incremental change: Do not press Democratic legislators to vote for something they fear will destroy them in 2010.

Van Dyk’s warning below about enacting ‘high risk’ legislation is probably sound, and we certainly like the centrist tenor of his piece. But as noted above, we can’t ignore the state of utter disrepair that the GOP finds itself in — and as Rahm Emmanuel might counsel, why not take advantage of the opportunity?

This tension between short term opportunism (Emmanuel) and sound long term strategy (Van Dyk) has analogues in the investment world. Short term opportunism contributed to today’s woeful state of the GOP, and will probably have similar effects on the Democrats, eventually. But for the time being, there’s little standing in the way of the party’s agenda.

DISCLOSURES: The foregoing is for informational purposes and/or entertainment only. It is not an offer to buy or a recommendation to sell any security, or to engage in any investment strategy. Please note that Symmetry Capital Management, LLC earns a revenue sharing fee of 4% from Amazon.com for any ‘click-through’ transactions. The firm, its principals, and its clients do not own shares in Amazon.com.

URLs:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124779697143755743.html

http://www.citypages.com/2008-02-13/calendar/ted-van-dyk/

http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0295987510?ie=UTF8&tag=symmetrycapit-20&linkCode=as2&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=0295987510

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20090717/ap_on_re_us/us_sc_governor_travel

Lomborg: The Climate-Industrial Complex

An important op-ed in the WSJ today from Bjorn Lomborg, a European social scientist despised by many (unfortunately) for his sobriety on climate change policy. He cleverly sees a broad parallel between current impetus on climate change and the “military-industrial complex” that arose during the Cold War. As President Eisenhower famously warned, that relationship created a “disastrous potential of misplaced power,” and required an “alert and knowledgeable citizenry” to keep it in check. In Lomborg’s piece, you’ll see many of the concerns we’ve raised regarding the momentum behind climate change policy, with some supporting anecdotes:

  • Political agency risk  
  • Profiteering and rent seeking
  • Enron as the poster child of “regulatory business”

Lomborg also cites research that questions the all to frequent “green collar jobs” mantra. As we’ve pointed out, the important question is what the net effect on employment is (green collar jobs created less other collar jobs lost). He concludes, ”[T]he partnership among self-interested businesses, grandstanding politicians and alarmist campaigners is an unholy alliance.” 

Of course, Lomborg is probably well aware that his arguments will do little to sway true believers on either side of the issue. In fact, it’s likely to have the opposite effect, as research into political beliefs demonstrates:

…when partisans face threatening information, not only are they likely to “reason” to emotionally biased conclusions, but we can trace their neural footprints as they do it.

When confronted with potentially troubling political information, a network of neurons becomes active that produces distress…

The brain registers the conflict between data and desire and begins to search for ways to turn off the spigot of unpleasant emotion…

Not only did the brain manage to shut down distress through faulty reasoning, but it did so quickly… The neural circuits charged with regulation of emotional states seemed to recruit beliefs that eliminated the distress and conflict partisans had experienced when they confronted unpleasant realities. And this all seemed to happen with little involvement of the neural circuits normally involved in reasoning.

…Once partisans had found a way to reason to false conclusions, not only did neural circuits involved in negative emotions turn off, but circuits involved in positive emotions turned on. The partisan brain didn’t seem satisfied in just feeling better. It worked overtime to feel good, activating reward circuits that give partisans a jolt of positive reinforcement for their biased reasoning.

Here’s a challenge to climate skeptics reading (and writing!) this post – try to avoid the partisan rationalization trap! Is climate change worth worrying about? You bet. In fact, what we like about Lomborg is his centrism and sobriety. Yes, he’s a reviled scourge of climate change proponents, and a comforting presence to skeptics and deniers. But if the latter read him more carefully, he would probably be loved by no one – which makes him all the more compelling, in our view.

URLs:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124286145192740987.html

http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/newsnight/2007/08/the_political_brain_by_drew_westen.html

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8y06NSBBRtY

Tyson: Defending Obamanomics

UC Berkeley economist Laura D’Andrea Tyson penned an interesting op-ed for the WSJ today, arguing that President Obama’s stimulus plan and budget will have positive economic and social impacts. Some of her claims are wait-and-see economic projections, others offer some helpful detail and historic perspective, and a few are, in our opinion, open to vigorous debate. Key excerpts include the following:

The president’s budget is progressive and ambitious. It will not, however, explode the size of government as some critics warn. If the economy recovers as projected, over the next decade taxes as a share of GDP at around 19% will be lower than they were during the second half of the 1990s, government spending as a share of GDP at around 22.5% will be about where it was under Reagan, and nondefense discretionary spending at around 3.6% of GDP will fall to its lowest level since that data was first collected in 1962.

This is Tyson’s essential argument, and it’s important to read/hear. She notes that the projections are subject to some uncertainty: “The real risk lies in the possibility that the economy’s recovery starts later and is much weaker than the economic assumptions in the budget.” However, we think the underlying objectives are the ones to pay attention to. In our view, people on the political left and right tend to expect far too much good from their own policy preferences than warranted, and far too much harm from their opponents’. And right now, too many folks on the right are gnashing teeth, rending garments, and calling for the end of the world as we know it. We’ve been saying for some time that investors should brace themselves for public policy shifts that will lower most financial asset values at the margin, perhaps substantially. But it’s also important to keep in mind that (1) there’s nothing in Obama’s plans that spells doom or outright collapse (in fact they contain some worthy economic objectives) and (2) our political system tends to be very responsive to costly policy errors, at least compared to most current and historical alternatives.

President Obama’s budget will restore the top two marginal tax rates to their 1990s levels of 36% and 39.6% for individuals earning more than $200,000 and couples earning more than $250,000. These changes will affect only the top 3% of taxpayers, the group that has enjoyed the largest gains in income and wealth over the last decade. In addition, for these taxpayers the tax rate on capital gains will increase to 20%, the lowest rate in the 1990s and the rate President Bush proposed in 2001, and the tax rate on dividends will increase to 20%, a rate lower than the rate of the 1990s and nearly 40% lower than that proposed by President Bush in 2001.

Good policy context, and there have been some stubborn problems with the U.S. income distribution over the last few decades, which we believe is an important factor in the Democratic party’s return to power. In another passage, she also clarified the change in treatment of charitable deductions, which will be deducted at a maximum rate of 28%; that’s not as dire as some commentators have described. However, we have to keep a few counter points in mind. First, in the U.S., there is a relatively high rate of movement between tax brackets; the people being taxed more heavily in coming years may not be the people who benefited from rising incomes at the top over recent decades. Second, taxing the beneficiaries more heavily is not the only solution to improving the income distribution; for example, the inflation tax on savings, and most importantly, our relatively high marginal tax rates on corporate income (as demonstrated by David and Christina Romer, colleagues of Tyson’s at Berkeley) are compelling alternatives that might confer greater long term benefits to society as a whole. In fact, there was some thin but tantalizing data following the 2003 tax cuts that indicated income improvements among lower wage earners; unfortunately, the relevant measures expired before any firm conclusions could be drawn, but the 2003-2006 period might prove to be a fruitful area for research into taxes and income distribution. Tyson also waves away the impact on small businesses, arguing that only 3% of them would be subject to a higher rate; perhaps, but it still imposes a marginal cost during a time of deep economic recession and uncertainty, and it also worsens the relative distortions between personal and corporate income taxes. Third, the federal government must be very careful not to cross that unknown threshold where human capital begins to emigrate from the U.S., something that has happened in states like California and Illinois in recent years. As a country, we may be nowhere near that point yet, but we are closer than we were in 2008. And if we are reckless enough to cross it, the long term consequences would be depressing.

Reducing the nation’s dependence on foreign oil and cutting carbon emissions are also priorities, supported by overwhelming scientific evidence on the risks and costs of climate change.

This is the point we would take vigorous exception to; in fact, it’s almost reflexive any time we hear the phrase “overwhelming scientific evidence.” If we had a dollar for every time that phrase has been misapplied in the history of humankind, we could retire and write these missives for our own amusement. Good science acknowledges that uncertainty looms large in any model, however the evidence may look at any point in time. Human beings have been diligently modeling climate change and anthropogenic warming – an exceedingly complex and chaotic system of interactions – for less than thirty years. Our knowledge of many important contributing factors is just as young or younger, and for yet to be discovered factors, it’s nonexistent. As Benoit Mandelbrot wrote in Fractals and Scaling in Finance, “it is prudent to fear that ‘what we know’ is not necessarily the last word.”

Despite our heretical skepticism, we think that cleaner energy technologies are extremely desirable, and we fully acknowledge the risk that the current models prove to be accurate. Anthropogenic climate change and its consequences could be as serious as the critics say, or worse, and limiting CO2 emissions might indeed be an effective means of limiting the damage. Scientist James Hansen’s and others’ warnings of an irreversible ‘tipping point’ should not be dismissed out of hand either.

But the climate change movement reminds us very much of other movements once based on “overwhelming scientific evidence”. For example, it was believed for a time, by some otherwise intelligent people, that autism was primarily caused by cold and emotionally distant mothering! A more credible and persistent one is the connection between diet (saturated fat and/or cholesterol) and Coronary Heart Disease (CHD). The consensus built upon “overwhelming scientific evidence” has been subjected to an increasing number of attacks in recent decades, as evidence accumulates that limiting the ingestion of cholesterol and/or saturated fat to lower the risk of CHD in populations is highly questionable:

“[In the Framingham Massachusetts study,] the more saturated fat one ate, the more cholesterol one ate, the more calories one ate, the lower people’s serum cholesterol…we found that the people who ate the most cholesterol, ate the most saturated fat, ate the most calories weighed the least and were the most physically active.” Dr William Castelli 1992 (link).

Dr. Clare Hasler noted in a 2000 Journal of the American College of Nutrition article, “it is now known that there is little if any connection between dietary cholesterol and blood cholesterol levels.”

According to Dr. Uffe Ravnskov, “observations strongly suggest that high cholesterol is only a risk marker, a factor that is secondary to the real cause of coronary heart disease. It is just as logical to lower cholesterol to prevent a heart attack, as to lower an elevated body temperature to combat an underlying infection or cancer.” He has also aggregated substantial evidence that calls the association of saturated fat intake and CHD into question.

In recent years, regulatory bodies like the FDA have paid increasing attention to the role of trans fatty acids in the diet, and by many measures, they are at least as harmful, perhaps much moreso, than saturated fats were once believed to be. In short, the once “overwhelming scientific evidence” that saturated fat and/or cholesterol in the diet raise the risk of CHD in a population has turned out to be  little more than the well-publicized-theorizing (or opinions) of some scientists (or activists) based on preliminary but incomplete findings, supported by economic beneficiaries, such as pharmaceutical companies. This is not to say that CHD management therapies, including dietary modification and drugs, are worthless; they are surely helpful for some individuals. But the diet-CHD hypothesis for entire populations, after decades of widespread acceptance, has been shown to be quite shaky.

There are countless other examples, from many fields of life, that “overwhelming scientific evidence” is often extremely plastic, and that “consensus” is often oversold (the SMON episode in Japan is a powerful example). Our sense is that the anthropogenic global warming movement has many of the features of such movements, and if true, the costs of pursuing this particular piece of change could far outweigh the realized benefits. And as long as we profess to care about future generations of citizens and taxpayers, not to mention understanding and solving the problem at hand, we should be explicitly mindful of this risk.

Another important concern relates to cap and trade as a means of limiting carbon emissions – the so-called “market based” approach. This sets up a public-private system that allows privileged entities to extract significant economic rents. According to Tyson, the Obama Administration claims that 80% of the initial auction revenues from a cap and trade system “will be used to finance a refundable tax credit of up to $400 for individuals and up to $800 for families.” There are severe agency risks in a cap and trade system, far more than a straight carbon tax, and its planned implementation strikingly contradicts, for example, the decision made by Treasury and Congress to end the use of private debt collectors by the IRS.

———————————–

Epilogue: We have a serious beef with some of the global warming related thinking and marketing being peddled these days. One of the most irritating examples comes from our local cable company – it’s an ad with children ranging from perhaps three to twelve years old, warning their parents about impending ecological collapse – as if the planet itself needs us to save it! This idea is so inane that it borders on insane. The planet will be absolutely fine, with or without us, presumably until our solar system collapses. As Professor Valerius Geist noted in his book Whitetail Tracks:

The type of landscapes we take for granted as “natural” are actually an article of human intervention caused by human elimination of megaherbivores…

The huge, tree-crunching giants [are] gone, a profound departure from normal landscape ecology…Kill the big plant-eaters and continents sprout forests…That was the new setting, the new ecological stage, for a new beginning for life on Earth…Fires replaced giant herbivores as devourers of trees…Life adores opportunity. It simply will not rest!

In other words, life on planet earth is capable of adapting to many different climates. Thus, the whole global warming movement, for the most part, is not about the planet, but about us! It is propelled by our evolved capacity to think about the future, to worry about our place in it, and perhaps by cultural and institutional backgrounds that encourage us to embrace personal guilt and responsibility. This should not lessen the material concerns raised by the global warming hypothesis, of course. But it should at least start to demolish the old “Mother Earth needs our help” myth as the  mindless bunch of nonsense that it is.

Geist’s observations also tie back into anthropogenic global warming, as the past existence of megafauna would argue that the earth’s climate has been much warmer in past epochs, perhaps warmer than the worst climate models currently predict. Imagine a world of giant herbivores toppling flora of any size, crunching, munching, and ingesting massive amounts of plant material, fermenting them in specialized digestive systems with multi chambered stomachs, and acting as giant fertilizing machines spreading seed-laden dung far and wide. The “greenhouse gas” emissions of such processes would have been massive, and a hot, tropical planet would have been the norm. Looked at in that light, it’s unreasonable to argue, for example, that large, stable polar ice caps represent some normal state of affairs in the natural history of the planet’s climate. Rather, their contraction represents a threat to our species’ and some other species’ status quos. But the planet will get along swimmingly with or without humans, polar bears, arctic seals, or the many other species at risk from a significantly warmer climate, many of whom exploited niches created by past shifts in climate. As Geist observes, life adores opportunity and will not rest – no new niche will go unfilled.

Again, to be clear, climate change is a possibility with potentially severe ecological consequences for human beings and other species. But it’s important to contemplate it in the broadest context possible, and with a clear understanding of our motivations for doing so. We will also point out that given the complexity and significance of the subject, the highest probability of optimal policy outcomes is likely to be conferred by referenda. However, there are few causes whose champions and true believers would agree to subject them to such a process, much less abide by an “undesirable” outcome (Bjorn Lomborg’s Copenhagen Consensus Center is a notable exception to these typical human behaviors). Hence the rush to implement programs – based, of course, on “overwhelming scientific evidence”.

URLs:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123655553728965955.html

http://homodiet.netfirms.com/otherssay/chd/heart_disease1.htm

http://www.jacn.org/cgi/reprint/19/suppl_5/499S

http://www.ravnskov.nu/cholesterol.htm

http://www.webcpa.com/ar
ticle.cfm?ARTICLEID=30927

http://www.palaeos.com/Mesozoic/Mesozoic.htm

http://www.copenhagenconsensus.com/Default.aspx?ID=319

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/06/05/arts/50-billion-question-world-where-to-begin.html

Obama: Super Cereal on Climate Change

Yesterday, the President elect and Vice President elect met with Al Gore to discuss climate change policy. According to the San Francisco Chronicle:

President-elect Barack Obama…declared “the time for denial is over” on global warming and pledged to retool the U.S. energy grid using new technologies…

“We have the opportunity now to create jobs all across this country in all 50 states to repower America,” Obama said at a news conference after the meeting. “To redesign how we use energy and think about how we are increasing efficiency to make our economy stronger, make us more safe, reduce our dependence on foreign oil.”

…Obama said his “aggressive” efforts to slash greenhouse gas emissions, invest in clean energy alternatives and boost green-collar jobs will include a wide range of stakeholders, from Gore and Washington Republicans to consumers and industry.

Energy and climate policy issues are a real tight rope, and if the government gets them wrong, the social and economic costs could be staggering and long lasting. It could take generations to recover from a large enough misdirection of capital. And it’s also disconcerting to see leaders ready to shepherd us onto that tight rope without any apparent skepticism towards the perceived problems, causes, solutions, and tradeoffs. Tradeoffs are especially important in our view — there doesn’t appear to be any regard whatsoever for the opportunity costs such measures will impose, and the media rarely ever questions claims of ‘creating green collar jobs’. We’re not saying that the global warming crowd will inevitably be proven wrong down the road. We’re just pointing to the fact that they don’t seem to entertain any such possibility. That’s almost always dangerous, especially when making decisions that will affect billions of people.

Obama is still displaying astute leadership ability when he speaks of stakeholders, which provides a modicum of assurance.

Another issue that should be part of the public discourse, but is too often swept under the rug by policymakers and media, is that significant policy measures create vast profit incentives. Most people are conditioned to think of that as ‘capitalism at work’, but that’s just plain wrong. An analogue is the rise of the defense industry in the wake of WWII as a result of the Cold War. Arguments can be made that many of those expenditures were warranted. However, the existence of opportunity costs is undeniable. The threat of conflict with the USSR imposed restrictions on private capital flows. Were those restrictions optimal, or was there enough waste involved to infer that those public-private mandates imposed serious costs on society? For the classical analogy, see Fredric Bastiat’s broken window fallacy.

A similar dynamic is brewing in the climate change / green technology domain:

Business leaders, especially those who hope to play a key role in the rise of solar, wind, biofuel and other new energy systems, hope Obama, Gore and others spur a new kind of technology revolution…

On a nationwide level, Obama supports putting 1 million plug-in hybrid cars on U.S. roads in the next seven years, cutting emissions 80 percent by 2050 and setting up a cap-and-trade system. Such programs aim to make burning fossil fuels pricey and reward investment in renewable energy. In general, the system sets limits on carbon dioxide emissions and allows companies to trade carbon credits based on the amount of production.

Cap and trade systems are especially prone to abuse, not to mention inefficiency (few like to talk about the government’s appointment of Enron as mandarin of a sulfur dioxide emissions exchange). If carbon emissions are indeed a significant externality (econo-speak for a cost that is not borne by the responsible party), then a majority of economists would admit that a direct carbon tax works best. Of course, there’s still plenty of agency risk involved in having bureaucrats set the right tax rate. The best way to manage this it to have competing expert opinions produced, and then allow direct referendum to set the ‘right’ level for the tax. Instead, with cap and trade schemes garnering political support, the mandarin hopefuls have been lining up at the door for a couple of years. Unfortunately,

A recent report by the federal National Intelligence Council threw some doubt on the prospects for alternatives, saying, “All current technologies are inadequate for replacing the traditional energy architecture on the scale needed, and new energy technologies probably will not be commercially viable and widespread by 2025.”

Does that worry anyone? Nah…

Cathy Zoi, chief executive of the Alliance for Climate Protection in Palo Alto, which seeks to persuade Americans of the urgent need to slow the use of fossil fuels…..hopes Gore’s Palo Alto group will prompt the administration to make inroads as quickly as possible.

“Early action on all fronts is essential,” she said. “The message to Obama and others is: We need to do this because the scientific imperatives are getting more and more urgent. But we also need this to stimulate the economy at the same time.”

Again, it’s being sold as ‘economic stimulus’, but whether these plans would have a positive or negative net impact is far from certain (and the case for a negative net impact is far easier to make). If they are not well thought out and properly designed, these plans could cause plenty of economic damage. And again, every bit of damage now costs resources in the future. To combine two old adages, time heals, but time is money.

We want to reiterate our belief that the climate change folks could well be right, and if so, that remedial measures are certainly appropriate. But the scope of the issue just seems too wide, and the allocation of resources too significant, to treat this as a partisan issue or to leave it in the hands of (relatively) small cadres of politicians, policymakers, bureaucrats, and lobbyists. Think of it as a ‘highly leveraged’ political initiative.

If you’ve made it this far, you might be wondering about the title of this blog post — it’s taken from an episode of the brilliantly skeptical (and disturbingly irreverent) South Park, in which they parodied Al Gore’s global warming quest. You can read about the episode here:

Man Bear Pig episode – http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ManBearPig

And you can watch excerpts here if time allows (we’ve named each video segment for the part of our argument that it most closely relates to):

The Overview – Mr. Gore alerts a school assembly to the urgent Man Bear Pig crisis, and predicts that one day, after he has defeated Man Bear Pig, he will be seen as super awesome. In real life, the Nobel committee did not even wait that long, giving him its super awesome Peace Prize only a year after the episode aired. (http://www.southparkstudios.com/clips/155237)

Agency Risks – Mr. Gore offers to excuse the boys from school to go hunt down Man Bear Pig. Like the organizations now lining up for the privilege of operating a carbon exchange or to obtain public funding, it’s a powerful offer they can’t refuse. (h
ttp://www.southparkstudios.com/clips/155239/?tab=related
)

Opportunity Costs – Just as the prospect of climate change produces such a high level of anxiety and discomfort in some people that they are willing to ignore the damage their desires would impose on others, Mr. Gore implores emergency response teams to fill the cavern with hot molten lead in order to ensure Man Bear Pig’s demise…even though rescuers are still searching for survivors. In Mr. Gore’s eyes, they’re already dead. Yikes. (http://www.southparkstudios.com/clips/155242/)

URLs:

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/12/10/MN2H14L3QN.DTL

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parable_of_the_broken_window

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ManBearPig

http://www.southparkstudios.com/clips/155237

http://www.southparkstudios.com/clips/155239/?tab=related

http://www.southparkstudios.com/clips/155242/?tab=related