Mike Darda of MKM Partners emphatically comes around to our view on the ECB’s sterilization promises in his latest piece (.pdf):
Sovereign debt spreads in Spain and Italy — the largest countries in the PIIGS periphery — have hit new crisis highs, exceeding levels seen in late 2008 and early 2009. At the same time, interbank lending rates have been edging higher, European financial CDS spreads are nearly back to their May highs, and European corporate bond spreads have moved higher. In short, the markets are giving the EU/IMF/ECB $1 trillion rescue package a vote of no confidence. With European inflation expectations collapsing, broad money growth in reverse gear, and credit spreads widening, the ECB will need to become much more aggressive in order to offset a decline in the velocity of money and thus a relapse into a negative nominal GDP growth environment. The ECB’s balance sheet has begun to expand rapidly again, which is a step in the right direction. Oddly, ECB officials continue to claim that they will “sterilize” bond purchases, meaning their effect on eurosystem liquidity will be nil. If this is the case, it is unlikely that the rescue program will succeed, in our view. Unfortunately, the amount of damage to recovery prospects required for the ECB to come to this conclusion — and we believe they will — remains unclear.
As we noted on May 19th:
There’s only one thing capable of turning things around before downside momentum takes us back to, e.g., the 800-900 neighborhood on the S&P 500, and that’s a change of heart at the ECB and in the eurozone, as in swapping a sufficient amount of distressed interest bearing sovereign debt for newly minted euros. That’s it.
And quoted Ambrose Evans-Pritchard on May 9th:
…Stephen Lewis from Monument Securities says Europe’s leaders have forgotten the lesson of the “Gold Bloc” in the second phase of the Great Depression, when a reactionary and over-proud Continent ground itself into slump by clinging to deflationary totemism long after the circumstances had rendered this policy suicidal. We all know how it ended.
Conditions in Europe are getting shaky enough for us to loop in a new meme from Simon Schama that was carried in the FT recently — a ‘new age of rage’. Schama wrote:
Far be it for me to make a dicey situation dicier but you can’t smell the sulphur in the air right now and not think we might be on the threshold of an age of rage… Historians will tell you there is often a time-lag between the onset of economic disaster and the accumulation of social fury. In act one, the shock of a crisis initially triggers fearful disorientation; the rush for political saviours; instinctive responses of self-protection, but not the organised mobilisation of outrage. Whether in 1789 or now, an incoming regime riding the storm gets a fleeting moment to try to contain calamity. If it is seen to be straining every muscle to put things right it can, for a while, generate provisional legitimacy.
Act two is trickier. Objectively, economic conditions might be improving, but perceptions are everything and a breathing space gives room for a dangerously alienated public to take stock of the brutal interruption of their rising expectations…Should governments fail to reassert the integrity of public stewardship, suspicions will emerge that, for all the talk of new beginnings, the perps and new regime are cut from common cloth. Both risk being shredded by popular ire or outbid by more dangerous tribunes of indignation.
At the very least, the survival of a crisis demands ensuring that the fiscal pain is equitably distributed…in 2010 a pragmatic steward of the nation’s economy needs to beware relying unduly on regressive indirect taxes, especially if levied to impress a bond market with which regular folk feel little connection. At the very least, any emergency budget needs to take stock of this raw sense of popular victimisation and deliver a convincing story about the sharing of burdens. To do otherwise is to guarantee that a bad situation gets very ugly, very fast.
So we face a tinderbox moment: a test of the strength of democratic institutions in a time of extreme fiscal stress. On the one hand, we should be glad that the mobilisation of public energy in elections can channel mass unhappiness into change. That is what we must believe could yet happen in Britain. Elsewhere the outlook is more forbidding. In the sinkhole that is the Eurozone, animus is directed at unelected bodies – the European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund – and is bound to build on itself. Those on the receiving end of punitive corrections – in public sector wages or retrenched social institutions – will lash out at their remote masters. Those in the richer north obliged to subsidise what they take to be the fecklessness of the Latins, will come to see not just the single currency, but the European project as an historic error and will pine for the mark or franc. Chauvinist movements will be reborn, directed at immigrants and Brussels dictats, with more destructive fury than we have seen since the war.
In the U.S., it looks increasingly as though the “provisional legitimacy” of Democrats’ blanket majority will be extinguished in November (TOH Marshall Auerback):
For omens of the midterm congressional election results, watch the amount of money going into people’s pockets. In the language of economists, that’s real disposable personal income per capita — and the numbers aren’t encouraging for Democrats.
Measured by disposable income, the U.S. standard of living has been stagnant since Obama took office in January 2009, giving Democrats control of the executive and congressional branches of government. Adjusted for inflation, per capita income went unchanged in 2009.
The only calendar years with declines in income during the past two decades were 2008, when former President George W. Bush was finishing his second term, and in 1991, the year before then-President George H.W. Bush lost re-election…
Heading into the elections, real disposable income per capita will only be up “a very anemic” 0.4 percent from a year earlier, forecasts Moody’s Economy.com chief economist Mark Zandi. “That suggests for many households after-tax income is still declining,” Zandi said.
Income growth has been the best economic predictor of U.S. presidential election results since 1952, said Douglas Hibbs, a former government professor at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and economics professor at Sweden’s Gothenburg University…
“It’s the broadest measure of economic well-being,” said Hibbs of disposal income growth. “It has a very, very powerful effect.”
…Ray Fair, an economics professor at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, who has developed a computer model to forecast congressional elections based on the performance of gross domestic product and inflation, believes Democrats face significant losses this fall. Fair predicts the Democrats’ share of the two-party vote for House candidates will fall to 50.43 percent from 53.4 percent in 2008.
Even that projection depends on an optimistic forecast that Fair uses for GDP growth. Using the median forecast of economists surveyed by Bloomberg, the model’s prediction for the Democratic vote share would drop lower, to 49.22 percent, increasing the risk that the party will lose control of the House.
What’s remarkable about this is that presumed Republican policies — primarily concerted deficit reduction, tax code status quo (or perhaps even a move towards a VAT or consumption tax) — are likely to keep real per capita GDP stagnant under current conditions (yes, we realize that this brings us into opposition with David Ricardo and Milton Friedman among others, but that’s OK — under current conditions, they’re wrong). We would also point out that backpeddling on financial regulation would increase the likely frequency of future systemic financial crises.
If they are given a drubbing in November, Democrats can thank the DLC and other usual suspects whose dogmatic views of ’crowding out‘ and ‘governments running out of money’ have prevented them from pursuing the kinds of measures (.doc) that would have more forcefully mitigated against economic stagnation.
UPDATE 6/2/10 – President Obama is giving a speech on rolling back tax breaks for oil companies, in which he is touting the economic effects of many of his administration’s policies, claiming that the economy is “getting stronger by the day.” Rolling back tax breaks on oil companies might or might not make sense — I don’t know enough about them to say. But in the stagnation that follows balance sheet recessions, having the public sector take with one hand and give back nothing with the other (e.g., a long payroll tax holiday) is a bad idea. November’s promise of a rude surprise for the President and his party remains intact.
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URLs:
http://www.capmarkets.com/10954/MKM_Darda_060210.pdf
http://symmetrycapital.net/index.php/blog/2010/05/fiscal-austerity-collateral-requirements/
http://symmetrycapital.net/index.php/blog/2010/05/europes-absolute-general-mobilization/
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/45796f88-653a-11df-b648-00144feab49a.html
http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-06-01/roman-dmytriv-needs-more-money-to-make-ends-meet-with-obama.html
http://symmetrycapital.net/index.php/blog/2010/01/a-strong-dollar-call/
http://greatergreaterwashington.org/post.cgi?id=1620
http://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/business/federal_bailout/february_2009/66_are_worried_government_will_run_out_of_money
http://www.ritholtz.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/timeforanewnewdealrvutip561.doc