Announcing CR1 (Credit Revolt I)

Parallel to our coverage of TR2 (Tax Revolt II), we’ve noticed that an interesting aspect of the financial crisis, and the flip side of a rising savings rate, is consumers spurning credit card companies – some in creative and demonstrative ways. From the WSJ:

When Fred Wilharm decided to ditch his credit cards, he reached for the chainsaw.

The real-estate investor from Franklin, Tenn., sliced, drilled and shredded his credit cards in his YouTube video “The Tennessee Credit Card Massacre.” Mr. Wilharm says he had just paid off $3,000 in credit-card debt after the card issuers jacked up his interest rates, and that making the video helped him deal with his anger.

His only regret about the video: “Explosives would have been nice.”

…Mr. Wilharm is one of at least several dozen people who have posted an online video of a “plasectomy,” a term credited to Dave Ramsey, a radio talk-show host with Fox Business News. Some depict cards being chopped with scissors, shredded in blenders or chewed by lawnmowers. Others show cards set on fire, or doused with liquid nitrogen and then shattered with a hammer.

It’s interesting to note that some subjects of the article sound like credit worthy borrowers, rather than folks who’ve overextended themselves. Of course, it’s not unusual to hear of banks contracting credit availability in an economy like this one – that’s a very natural outgrowth of the deleveraging process, as the banking industry withdraws from the excesses of recent years - but it will be interesting to see what kind of long term backlash this provokes among consumer credit users of all stripes (if any) and what it could mean for credit card companies.

Speaking of backlash, we’re considering a moratorium on cute, thematic acronyms, lest we inspire a reader revolt against our blog (RR1, anyone?).

URLs:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124528467015725739.html

The Ascendance (and Continuing Ignorance) of Risk

We’ve posted a new Idle Speculator Piece, in which we observe that increased attention is – quite naturally – being paid to risk and risk management, and discuss recent risk related developments in the domains of health insurance and financial regulation. Our conclusion is that, while risk  is garnering plenty of attention, it seems unlikely at present that substantive, well designed risk management measures will follow.

http://symmetrycapital.net/idlespeculation/2009062501.pdf

Stratfor’s Take on Iranian Election

George Friedman of Stratfor offers an interesting dissection of the election outcome in Iran, allegations of vote fraud, and the impact of Ahmadinejad’s re-election on U.S.-Iran relations. In a more general sense, Friedman’s analysis is a powerful lesson in thinking more critically about what we don’t know – in this case, failing to assess the quality of information emanating from Iran has led westerners to draw unsound conclusions and make poor predictions – garbage in, garbage out, as the saying goes.

Americans and Europeans have been misreading Iran for 30 years. Even after the shah fell, the myth has survived that a mass movement of people exists demanding liberalization — a movement that if encouraged by the West eventually would form a majority and rule the country. We call this outlook “iPod liberalism,” the idea that anyone who listens to rock ‘n’ roll on an iPod, writes blogs and knows what it means to Twitter must be an enthusiastic supporter of Western liberalism. Even more significantly, this outlook fails to recognize that iPod owners represent a small minority in Iran — a country that is poor, pious and content on the whole with the revolution forged 30 years ago…

Last Friday, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was re-elected with about two-thirds of the vote. Supporters of his opponent, both inside and outside Iran, were stunned. A poll revealed that former Iranian Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi was beating Ahmadinejad. It is, of course, interesting to meditate on how you could conduct a poll in a country where phones are not universal, and making a call once you have found a phone can be a trial. A poll therefore would probably reach people who had phones and lived in Tehran and other urban areas. Among those, Mousavi probably did win. But outside Tehran, and beyond persons easy to poll, the numbers turned out quite different.

Some still charge that Ahmadinejad cheated. That is certainly a possibility, but it is difficult to see how he could have stolen the election by such a large margin. Doing so would have required the involvement of an incredible number of people, and would have risked creating numbers that quite plainly did not jibe with sentiment in each precinct. Widespread fraud would mean that Ahmadinejad manufactured numbers in Tehran without any regard for the vote. But he has many powerful enemies who would quickly have spotted this and would have called him on it. Mousavi still insists he was robbed, and we must remain open to the possibility that he was, although it is hard to see the mechanics of this.

Ahmadinejad’s Popularity

It also misses a crucial point: Ahmadinejad enjoys widespread popularity. He doesn’t speak to the issues that matter to the urban professionals, namely, the economy and liberalization. But Ahmadinejad speaks to three fundamental issues that accord with the rest of the country [which are piety, corruption, and national security]…

Perhaps the greatest factor in Ahmadinejad’s favor is that Mousavi spoke for the better districts of Tehran — something akin to running a U.S. presidential election as a spokesman for Georgetown and the Lower East Side. Such a base will get you hammered, and Mousavi got hammered…That [Ahmadinejad] won is not the mystery; the mystery is why others thought he wouldn’t win…

This is a very different view of things then we’re used to hearing in the media, but the logic is compelling. And there’s some recent and interesting evidence in a new documentary of the relationship between Ahmadinejad and Iraq’s citizens, including those who are not typically accessible to the west, called Letters to the President (the website images seem to suggest that it’s a propaganda film, but it’s not – it’s a very good piece of documentary journalism).

Friedman then looks ahead:

The question now is what will happen next. Internally, we can expect Ahmadinejad to consolidate his position under the cover of anti-corruption. He wants to clean up the ayatollahs, many of whom are his enemies. He will need the support of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. This election has made Ahmadinejad a powerful president, perhaps the most powerful in Iran since the revolution. Ahmadinejad does not want to challenge Khamenei, and we suspect that Khamenei will not want to challenge Ahmadinejad. A forced marriage is emerging, one which may place many other religious leaders in a difficult position…

[Regarding relations with the U.S.] What we have now are two presidents in a politically secure position, something that normally forms a basis for negotiations. The problem is that it is not clear what the Iranians are prepared to negotiate on, nor is it clear what the Americans are prepared to give the Iranians to induce them to negotiate. Iran wants greater influence in Iraq and its role as a regional leader acknowledged, something the United States doesn’t want to give them. The United States wants an end to the Iranian nuclear program, which Iran doesn’t want to give.

On the surface, this would seem to open the door for an attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Former U.S. President George W. Bush did not — and Obama does not — have any appetite for such an attack. Both presidents blocked the Israelis from attacking, assuming the Israelis ever actually wanted to attack.

For the moment, the election appears to have frozen the status quo in place. Neither the United States nor Iran seem prepared to move significantly, and there are no third parties that want to get involved in the issue beyond the occasional European diplomatic mission or Russian threat to sell something to Iran. In the end, this shows what we have long known: This game is locked in place, and goes on.

From an investment standpoint, this would suggest that there’s a relatively low probability of Iranian politics imposing any significant shocks on markets, for the time being.

UPDATE  2009.06.19  There’s been a fairly powerful “iPod uprising” in Iran since the election, which appears to be composed primarily of young people and centered in Tehran. That doesn’t undermine Friedman’s analysis above – but iPod liberalism is apparently a powerful political force, perhaps stronger than he seemed to imply.  As for vote fraud, various experts are all over the map, while an allegedly leaked letter from the Interior Ministry to the Ayatollah – which plays like a Cold War spook novel, and a bad one – is supposedly stoking resentment. The transcript, according to The Independent:

Interior Ministry’s letter to the Supreme Leader

Salaam Aleikum.

Regarding your concerns for the 10th presidential elections and due to your orders for Mr Ahmedinejad to be elected President, in this sensitive time, all matters have been organised in such a way that the results of the election will be in line with the revolution and the Islamic system. The following result will be declared to the people and all planning should be put in force to prevent any possible action from the opposition, and all party leaders and election candidates are under intense surveillance. Therefore, for your information only, I am telling you the actual results as follows:

Mirhossein Mousavi: 19,075,623

Mehdi Karroubi: 13,387,104

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad: 5,698,417

Mohsen Rezai: 38,716

(signed on behalf of the minister)

Color us skeptical. A couple of aspects of The United article are more interesting. First, government paramilitary and police forces are reportedly protecting the mostly pro-Mousavi protesters against pro-Ahmadinejad militias, or at least standing aside for the most part (though we’d note that there are conflicting reports circulating the blogosphere). This would support Friedman’s analysis, insofar as it confirms Ahmadinejad’s popularity with the country’s poor, and his arm’s length standing from the ruling Islamic Council. Second, the reported green wrist band protest by Iran’s soccer team at a World Cup match in Korea involved only five players, which supports the idea that this is not a majority movement. But that said, it clearly appears to have some mass behind it.

URLs:

http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20090615_western_misconceptions_meet_iranian_reality

http://www.letterstothepresidentmovie.com/

http://news.google.com/news?um=1&ned=us&hl=en&q=iran+protests

http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fisk-secret-letter-proves-mousavi-won-poll-1707896.html

Assessing the Health Care Debate

The health care debate is picking up intensity, thanks to President Obama and Congress’ ambition to accomplish something on that front in the current year. The eventual shape of the legislation is still uncertain, and plenty of folks are weighing in to try to influence its final shape (in fact, 2009 is looking like a bumper crop for lobbyists). It’s another good example of the realities of political economy – but this time with at least one interesting twist.

Perhaps the biggest question around health care reform is how to finance the cost – and one of the clearest ways of doing so is to end the favorable tax treatment of employer health benefits, as the WSJ’s Kimberly Strassel notes. Strassel points out, however, that candidate Obama attacked candidate McCain on this proposal repeatedly, and that there’s an anti-populist impact to it, as it would hit most union members rather hard, thanks to their generous health plans. While Senators are busy trying to carve out an appropriate compromise, we believe this is yet another example – like the mortgage crisis and the tax troubles of some of Obama’s cabinet appointees – that the 80 billion pound elephant in the room is our tax code.

Finally, the CEO of Safeway penned an op-ed about an innovative approach to health coverage at his company. Assuming the numbers haven’t been massaged, Safeway has managed to keep a lid on health care expenses for four years, and they’ve done it with risk pricing – offering discounts for healthy weight, blood pressure, and cholesterol levels, and avoiding tobacco use – and offering annual repricing to reward progress made on any of those counts. He then points out some room for improvement in prevailing policy (we assume that $1,400 is the marginal cost of insuring a smoker, and not the total monthly cost – otherwise the math might be different):

Today, we are constrained by current laws from increasing these incentives. We reward plan members $312 per year for not using tobacco, yet the annual cost of insuring a tobacco user is $1,400. Reform legislation needs to raise the federal legal limits so that incentives can better match the true incremental benefit of not engaging in these unhealthy behaviors. If these limits are appropriately increased, I am confident Safeway’s per capita health-care costs will decline for at least another five years as our work force becomes healthier.

DISCLOSURE: Symmetry Capital Management, LLC, its clients, and the author have no positions in Safeway or any other companies mentioned.

UPDATE  2009.06.19  Some interesting comments by prior Senate Leader Bill Frist on CNBC this morning – he argued that there are significant gaps in the U.S. medical system that need reform, and also outlined some of the inescapable tradeoffs involved. You can watch a replay here. There’s a related interview here on a Price Waterhouse report on the costs of health care to small businesses.

URLs:

http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1904312,00.html

http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2009/06/11/lobbyists-spend-millions-fighting-obama-universal-health-care-plan/

http://symmetrycapital.net/index.php/blog/2009/06/updegrave-free-market-morality/

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124476309180208203.html

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/12/us/politics/12obama.html?ref=global-home

http://symmetrycapital.net/?s=tax+simplification

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124476804026308603.html

http://www.cnbc.com/id/15840232?video=1157943588&play=1

Updegrave: Free Market Morality

A good, conversational primer on free markets and political economy from Walter Updegrave at Money:

…when you’re considering whether our system is equitable, don’t restrict your gaze to a single group of people. You’ve got to consider the ripple effects actions may have on other groups. An attempt to give an advantage to one party (in your case, deserving homeowners) could very well disadvantage another (retirees living on interest payments) that would then feel aggrieved.

Do this often enough and the system devolves into myriad splinter groups clamoring for special treatment and feeling aggrieved and resentful if they don’t get it.

All these issues, both in the financial arena and beyond, have huge implications for our economy and our society overall. They deserve a public airing and spirited debate as we work through the detritus of this recession. I, for one, look forward to it.

Updegrave’s column brings to mind the wonderfully eclectic economist Frank Knight, and a pithy observation he offered in Risk, Uncertainty and Profit – that “All social problems arise out of conflicts of interest, and every judgement touching on social policy involves such comparisons.”

URLs:

http://money.cnn.com/2009/06/08/pf/expert/moral_free_markets.moneymag/index.htm?section=money_latest

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Knight

Wage Controls on the Way?

The WSJ editorial page is decrying “The New Wage Controls” today:

The U.S. “market” economy took another hard-to-believe turn this week with the Obama Treasury appointing a “compensation czar” to dictate wage controls on private companies that take taxpayer money and offer guidelines for every other U.S. publicly traded company.” Can wage and price controls for everyone be far behind?

This is disingenuous hyperbole, for a few reasons. First, claiming that executive compensation in the ante-Obama era resembled a “market” driven system is plain wrong. Rather, it was (and still is) driven by federal rules and regulations, and fraught with agency risk and distorted incentives (much like the mortgage market, in fact). And while there is longstanding debate over whether executive compensation and corporate performance are well correlated, we know at the very least that the relationship is not a statistically powerful one, and that there have been notable instances of huge gaps between the compensation lavished on some public companies’ executives and the long term value those executives provided for their firms’ shareholders. All in all, it’s not hard to make the case that it’s a somewhat dysfunctional system, and a recent NY Times article summed it up well:

For some time now, “should” has been the operative word for investors and corporate governance groups pressing for closer links among executive pay, performance and shareholder value.

Second, the “compensation czar” is only going to oversee management compensation at the companies that are relying on direct public support. Essentially (or ostensibly), we the people, via the federal government, have become creditors and/or shareholders of certain companies, and as such, are exercising some control over how our assets are used. This simply means is that there’s finally a stakeholder at the table other than executive management and directors with some power. In a better functioning system, company directors and executives would already behave as their own ‘compensation czars’, rather than steadily enriching themselves at shareholders’ expense (a small percentage of companies have boards and management that do behave this way; perhaps not surprisingly, few if any are on public life support at the moment). In the case at hand, it sounds as though the federal government and its comp czar are simply going to act as any responsible business owner would.

There’s a bitter irony in all of this though, as the executive self-enrichment of recent decades was enabled to a significant extent by public policies and regulations at the federal level, including: ownership discloure rules that have made it easier for bloated managements and boards to defend entrenched positions; caps on the tax deductibility of executive compensation that have led to over reliance on generous short term option grants and a short term focus on stock performance; and minimal disclosure of executive perqs (though the SEC improved that last one slightly in recent years). And that’s just a small sampling. We can only hope, when this episode is over, that the men and women in Congress don’t forget what it feels like to be an equity holder. Unfortunately, we suspect that those expensive plates at future campaign events will come with more than a healthy dollop of amnesia. Thus,  if the office of the comp czar were truly put to good use, it would seek to dismantle and redesign the regulations and tax rules that continue to work against the interests of ‘regular’ shareholders.

URLs:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124476565985708427.html

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/05/business/05comp.html

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1014281

Economies & Earthquakes

What do economies and earthquakes have in common? Plenty, as a recent essay from McKinsey reminds us (registration required):

…scientists in the field of complexity theory argue that earthquakes, forest fires, power blackouts, and the like are extremely difficult or even impossible to foresee because they are the products of many interdependent “agents” and cascades of events in inherently unstable systems that generate large variations. One symptom of such a system’s behavior is that the frequency and magnitude of outcomes can be described by a mathematical relationship called a “power law,” characterized by a short “head” of frequently occurring small events, dropping off to a long “tail” of increasingly rare but much larger ones. The power law phenomenon, explored in recent bestselling books and observed by academics for decades, seems to be applicable to a wide range of currently relevant economic outcomes, including financial crises, industrial production, and corporate bankruptcies.

Among those bestselling books is Benoit Mandelbrot’s semi-autobiographical The (Mis)Behavior of Markets. Mandelbrot is notable for pointing out (since the early 1960s) that “high odds of catastrophic price changes” have always existed in financial markets due to what he has termed “wild randomness”. And power laws, which describe the inordinate impact of outsized events, were one of the foundations upon which his work was built. His first exposure to them was through a paper that documented the relative frequency of certain words, and later through the work of classical Italian economist Vilfredo Pareto on income distributions (Pareto’s work is the basis of the so-called “80/20 Rule“).

Despite knowing about power laws and distributions for many decades, their importance to markets and economies has only recently gotten much attention. Whether this attention persists, or fades into complacency as it has following earlier crises, remains to be seen. If the former, the McKinsey essay suggests five principles to follow as our knowledge of complex systems evolves:

These examples indicate that power law patterns, with their small, frequent outcomes mixed with rare, hard-to-predict extreme ones, exist in many aspects of the economy. This suggests that the economy, like other complex systems characterized by power law behavior, is inherently unstable and prone to occasional huge failures. Intriguing stuff, but how can corporate strategists, economists, and policy makers use it? This is still a young field of research, and the study of power law patterns may be part of the answer, but it isn’t too early to consider and discuss potential implications.

Make the system the unit of analysis

Don’t assume stability and do take a long look back

Focus on early warning

Build flexible business models

Learn from scientists studying other complex systems

The Treasury’s recent “stress tests” of major banks is an example of risk management based on complexity theory. Unfortunately, there’s plenty of skepticism about how they were carried out, which could imply that complacency is already taking hold of the financial system, only nine months after the collapse of Lehman.

URLs:

http://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Strategy/Globalization/Power_curves_What_natural_and_economic_disasters_have_in_common_2376

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124182311010302297.html

A Big, Overwhelming Idea About Life

Economic historian Peter Bernstein passed away last week at the ripe old age of 90. He was a wonderful intellect, and made a career of explaining high minded economic and financial concepts in every day terms.

McKinsey has posted a video of Bernsten discussing the concept of risk as it has evolved in financial markets, business, and life (the title of this post is taken from that interview).

He also wrote some excellent books, which you can browse at Amazon.com here (please note that Symmetry Capital Management, LLC earns a referral fee of 4% for any purchases made under its Amazon Associates link).

URLs:

http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601088&sid=aorrYydFwbEc&refer=muse

http://www.mckinseyquarterly.com/Organization/Strategic_Organization/Peter_L_Bernstein_on_risk_2211

http://tinyurl.com/bernstein-books

More on the Financial Industry

As a follow up to our post on the financial industry yesterday, Advisor Perspectives has offered a couple of interesting pieces on the state of the industry.

One is from former IMF economist Simon Johnson, who argues that the political power of large banks will tend to work against potential solutions to the financial crisis:

Overall…I think the administration has done a much better job than the last one in putting together a package that has a chance of turning things around.

But there could be an Achilles heel, and it’s likely to be the banking system.  That’s where many distressed economies often get into trouble.  We’ve seen even when a lot of good policies were in place that if you’re not fixing the banking system up front–that is to say, if you don’t recapitalize it sufficiently, and you don’t replace the people who got you into trouble in the first place–then those deficiencies could work against everything else you’re doing.

The reason the government gives is that it’s concerned stricter demands would further damage the banking system, which will cause additional problems for the economy.  Behind that kind of logic is the belief that big finance is important and good for the economy, and you need to support financial intermediation with whatever means you have during a crisis like this.  But if a troubled third-world nation was making this kind of argument, we would regard it as a mistake, and I think it is a mistake here too.

The other is from PIMCO’s Bill Gross, who foresees a “new normal” of high public debt and low economic growth in the U.S. Interestingly, he attributes much of the prosperity of the past four decades to abandonment of the gold standard in 1971-73, which made money more plentiful and thus accelerated financial innovation. This led to rising leverage and consumption that eventually reached unsustainable levels.

Gross offers a warning to investors, policymakers, and taxpayers…

To zero in on the U.S. of A., its annual deficit of nearly $1.5 trillion is 10% of GDP alone, a number never approached since the 1930s Depression. While policymakers, including the President and Treasury Secretary Geithner, assure voters and financial markets alike that such a path is unsustainable and that a return to fiscal conservatism is just around the recovery’s corner, it is hard to comprehend exactly how that more balanced rabbit can be pulled out of Washington’s hat. Private sector deleveraging, reregulation and reduced consumption all argue for a real growth rate in the U.S. that requires a government checkbook for years to come just to keep its head above the 1% required to stabilize unemployment. Five more years of those 10% of GDP deficits will quickly raise America’s debt to GDP level to over 100%, a level that the rating services – and more importantly the markets – recognize as a point of no return. At 100% debt to GDP, the interest on the debt might amount to 5% or 6% of annual output alone, and it quickly compounds as the interest upon interest becomes as heavy as those “sixteen tons” in Tennessee Ernie Ford’s famous song of a West Virginia coal miner. “You load sixteen tons and whattaya get? Another day older and deeper in debt.”

…and to the investment profession (including investors and regulators – see the last sentence):

I remember as a child my parents telling me, perhaps resentfully, that only a doctor, airline pilot, or a car dealer could afford to join a country club. My how things have changed. Now, as I write this overlooking the 16th hole on the Vintage Club near Palm Springs, the only golfers who shank seven irons into the lake are real estate developers, investment bankers, or heads of investment management companies. The rich are different, not only in the manner intoned by F. Scott Fitzgerald, but also in who they are and what they do for a living…over the next several decades, the ability to make a fortune by using other people’s money will be a lot harder. Deleveraging, reregulation, increased taxation, and compensation limits will allow only the most skillful – or the shadiest – into the…Forbes 400.

Intuitively, it makes sense that the same industries represented at the modern country club would wield asymmetrical power over government policies, as Simon Johnson argues. But Gross’ personal and literary reflections imply that other industries are going to displace  financial services at the country club buffet and government luaus.  Thus, while Johnson’s concern might be very relevant in a contemporary sense, it’s likely to fade over time, as other industries come to wield more power over public policy.

Although this post is getting a bit long on the verbage, Gross offers some policy views that are worth discussing. First, he throws a jab at supply side wingnuts (although he does pull it slightly):

The fact is that supply-side economics was a partial con job from the get-go. Granted, from the 80% marginal tax rate that existed in the U.S. and the U.K. into the late 60s and 70s, lower taxes do incentivize productive investment and entrepreneurial risk-taking. But below 40% or so, it just pads the pockets of the rich and destabilizes the country’s financial balance sheet.

That sounds like an awfully speculative assertion (and a veiled aspersion towards the Wall Street Journal’s editorial board perhaps). He might be on to something, but he doesn’t substantiate it. In similar fashion, he demolishes a favorite claim of many Democrats:

Bill Clinton’s magical surpluses were really due to ephemeral taxes on leverage-based capital gains that in turn were due to the secular decline of inflation and interest rates that at some point had to bottom.

That’s true to some extent, although to be fair, the Clinton administration and a Republican congress did some important leg work on outlays.

Regarding tax policy, Gross concludes:

We are reaping the consequences of that long period of overconsumption and undersavings encouraged by the belief that lower and lower taxes would cure all.

This leaves us scratching our heads a bit, as it obscures what Gross believes the underlying cause to be. Was it the shift in central bank operations in the early 1970s as he initially asserted, or falling tax rates? The best we can come up with is that Gross is conflating two arguments: (1) end of gold standard led to financial innovation, leverage, undersaving, overconsumption, to be followed by high public debt and slow growth; and (2) higher and steeper tax rates are going to be necessary in the future (a logical argument for a large bond shop to make under current circumstances). Perhaps he’s doing so in an attempt to defuse the resistance that the second argument is bound to arouse. We’ll try to do a bit of defusing ourselves.

As we pointed out in our Wingnuts piece, the argument that lower taxes can cure every economic ill is indeed tired and a bit threadbare (and arguments about taxation are largely debates over competing personal and social values). But that does not mean that a better designed tax system would have no impact on productivity, output, and public indebtedness, especially when considered in the context of an open and competitive global economy, as opposed to the system of closed national and regional economies that prevailed at the time Keynes developed his General Theory. As we wrote in 2007:

In a relative sense the U.S. tax system is probably more optimal than most, but that competitive edge is eroding at the margin, a fact that is critical to our future well-being. While other nations are creating increasingly friendly (and thus competitive) environments for capital, the U.S. is largely treading water (even taking it on, perhaps).

And in 2008 (emphasis added):

…our tax code interacts with inflation in a way that creates strong disincentives to saving, and encourages debt financed consumption.

…increasingly complex and heavy handed regulation, a rising tax burden, and restrictive trade policies are the last thing that a slowing or contracting economy needs.

Today, we can substitute China, India, Brazil, emerging Europe, and many other parts of the world for Germany, Japan, and the rest [in the 1960s and 70s]. And the current dynamic is similar to that earlier one: a combination of bad tax, trade, and regulatory policies are driving down the expected rate of return in the U.S. economy, and the Federal Reserve has reacted by lowering its interest rate target; but the Fed’s actions can do little more than fuel eurodollar or petrodollar financed growth and inflation in faster growing countries, which eventually contributes to stagflation at home. In other words, by trying to induce growth in the U.S. economy, the Fed unintentionally engages in inflationary finance outside our borders. The only way around this is to improve the competitiveness of the real economy through better tax, trade, and regulatory policies. Admittedly, these have improved since the 1970s, but what matters most is not the absolute level of taxes, tariffs, and regulations, but rather their relative level and direction compared to the rest of the world.

This topic brings a lot of threads together, but the bottom line, in our view, is that continuing to tax productive activity – via corporate and personal income taxes, at increasingly uncompetitive levels – will only increase the likelihood that the U.S. end up like Japan – older, slower, and deeper in debt (though according to GapMinder, it’s still not a bad place to live).

URLs:

http://www.advisorperspectives.com/newsletters09/Simon_Johnson_on_Obamas_Achilles_Heel.php

http://www.pimco.com/LeftNav/Featured+Market+Commentary/IO/2009/IO+June+2009+Staying+Rich+in+the+New+Normal+Gross.htm

http://www.symmetrycapital.net/idlespeculation/2007110701.pdf

http://www.symmetrycapital.net/idlespeculation/20080925_policy_mix.pdf

http://tinyurl.com/gapminder-japan

Two Tasty Web Tidbits

We happened across two web pages that we’d recommend to those who can carve out thirty minutes of their day.

First is a photo and video narrative of Venture Capitalist and uber-blogger Guy Kawasaki’s trip to the US Naval aircraft carrier USS Nimitz (as a full grown Navy brat, this one got its hooks into me easily).

Second is a video of a presentation given by Gapminder founder Hans Rosling, who’s not just brilliant, but also the king of Swedish stand-up (at least he’s the funniest Swede we’ve ever seen on stage). Rosling uses a very cool visual platform to convey the ideas he expresses, which are about global economics and then some. His objective is to get people thinking about the world in ways that avoid bias and oversimplification. As someone who teaches Statistics to undergrads, this stuff is golden.

We came across the Rosling presentation via an intermediary link from Kawasaki’s site – networks are so cool.

URLs:

http://blog.guykawasaki.com/2009/06/24-hours-at-sea-on-the-uss-nimitz.html

http://dotsub.com/view/3b345061-c5da-4604-b59c-404527f0bd68

http://www.gapminder.org/

http://www.presentationzen.com/presentationzen/2009/05/tedx-tokyo-this-friday-in-japan.html